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Tracking Kindergarten as a Travelling Idea
Larry Prochner
Kindergarten Narratives presents new work by historians aiming to document and explain kindergartenâs international reach. Much earlier writing on the history of kindergarten education described the ideaâs travels from its epicentre in Germany to diverse global contexts. The chapters in this collection expand the scope to include kindergartenâs connection to issues of educational policy, pedagogy, curriculum and teacher education. The book is timely: young childrenâs well-being is a top priority for governments around the world, established in Education for All goals, in the European Councilâs Barcelona Agreement and by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Developmentâs Network on Early Childhood Education and Care, initiatives which together have had a major impact on the discourses and practices of early years education in countries around the world.1 And there is a call for more child-centred pedagogies, a principle included in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.2 A countervailing influence is the impact of PISA â OECDâs Programme for International Student Assessment â and the trend towards academic preschools with a government or âstaff-initiated curriculum with cognitive aims for school preparationâ.3 Preschools in the three countries at the top of PISAâs ranking in 20124 â China, Singapore and Korea â tend to be academically oriented with teacher-directed pedagogies,5 contributing to pressure to emulate more teacher-directed approaches elsewhere.6 As Kevin Brehony described,
The place of play in early years education is under threat in many societies as the neo-liberal emphasis on work and preschool, conceived solely as preparation for school, in the belief that schooling is the key to economic success in conditions of globalization, bids to become hegemonic.7
Kindergarten Narratives contributes to the debate on the purpose of preschool by explaining what happens to child-centred forms of early education in diverse contexts.
Friedrich Froebelâs (1782â1852) idea of education, in which children engage in developmental, child-centred learning activities under the direction of a specially trained teacher, has become commonplace in many parts of the world, in principle if not in practice. The system originated in schools directed by Froebel over a period of several decades. In 1816 Froebel led a school for older children at Keilhau in Saxony where he developed his theory of education, described in his book Die Menschenerziehung (The Education of Man) published in 1826; in 1833 he directed an orphanage in Switzerland where he deepened his understanding of the importance of early education to later development and worked out some of his teaching materials; and in 1839 he organized a small school called Spiel- und BeschĂ€ftigungsanstalt (Play and Activity Institute) in Bad Blankenburg in Prussia, giving it the new name of Kindergarten in 1840. The German term was subsequently adopted as a loanword in many English-speaking countries8 or translated literally, as in the Swedish barntrĂ€dgĂ„rdar (described by Johannes Westberg in this volume).
Froebelâs theory drew upon his religious beliefs, his studies in mathematics, physics, crystallography, forestry and architecture, and his observations at Johann Pestalozziâs school, where he lived for two years.9 Like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, he believed in the innocence of childhood, though for Froebel its nature required ordering. Like Pestalozzi, he understood the importance of connecting learning to real-life experiences, but Froebel used materials with a more symbolic and spiritual purpose. The guiding idea in Froebelâs theory was a religious belief in the divine unity of all things, echoing German scientific thinking that âsaw all living things interrelated by a great chain of being raising from lower to higher forms of lifeâ.10 The kindergarten activities were planned to enable children to make these essential connections. The credo of the kindergarten movement, âcome let us live for our childrenâ,11 did not mean that children took the lead in their own education, but that teachers should show the way on the basis of Froebelâs idealistic understanding of the nature of childhood. Froebel believed that childrenâs minds were fully formed at birth and capable of reason but were unfocused. The guidance of a specially trained female teacher â presumed to have qualities of a sensitive mother â could bring childrenâs reason to full flower by providing materials known as play-gifts (Spielgaben) and by engaging children in activities called occupations (BeschĂ€ftigungsmittel). The materials were designed to mediate abstract ideas, bringing children to an integrated understanding of their relation to the world and facilitating their natural development or unfoldment. As Froebel described, in a childâs play with the first gift, the ball, âthe life of the child makes itself known, and the outer world makes itself known to the child in unityâ.12
Froebel surrounded himself with gifted and innovative teachers and students, leaving a group of dedicated women (and some men) who identified as his disciples to more fully articulate his ideas after his death. Others, learning about kindergarten through books or lectures, also took up the cause. They included writers and teachers working in different places and at different times to promote his vision and adapt it to new circumstances. The chapters that follow track some of the meanings of kindergarten over its 175-year history as it circulated the globe as a travelling idea of education for young children.
Many of the chapters in the book touch on the nature of play in kindergarten, considering what play is, who should lead it and its purpose. Kevin Brehonyâs chapter explores ideas of play and work in Froebelâs writings and as interpreted by others. Brehony considers play and work as an apparent binary, reviewing debates across the period from the 1850s to the twentieth-first century. Brehonyâs chapter serves as a primer on ideas of play in Froebelian education, and readers may wish to begin with it before delving into the book according to individual interests. The remainder of the book is organized in three parts. Chapters in part one consider the circulation of Froebelian education in different locations â the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden and the United States â and at different times, spanning the period from the 1850s to the present. Nelleke Bakker focuses on the advancement of Froebelian ideas in the Netherlands in the nineteenth century through her study of the work of âFroebelâs Dutch missionaryâ, Elise van Calcar-Schiotling. Bakker describes themes in van Calcarâs work in the Netherlands that we see in other chapters in this volume, including tension between calls for freedom in learning on the one hand and love of order on the other. Such order was considered to be natural â âGodâs lawâ â and supported by the apparent fixity of Froebelâs gifts, though he meant them to be used alongside other, natural objects. Bakker brings to light developments unique to Froebelian education in the Netherlands: van Calcar added her own notion of âthe importance of first impressionsâ, reminiscent of the English infant school idea in which childrenâs initial impressions were believed to âform a kind of main spring to all their actionsâ.13 As Bakker describes, van Calcar never conceived of Froebelian education as a social project to improve the lives of working-class children. And in spite of her emphasis on childrenâs happiness and self-activity, by 1900 free play was marginalized in the Dutch Froebel school, where play had to be useful and support bourgeois morality and Calvinist work ethos. Although the Dutch kindergarten no longer exists as a distinct institution, the legacies of these debates are present in current discussions on curriculum and practice.
Kerry Bethell examines the demand for reform of the infant curriculum in New Zealand schools along Froebelian lines during the years 1906 to 1926. Education officials in New Zealand looked to Britain to recruit suitably qualified and experienced teachers to lead change in the colonyâs infant schools. British teachers Dorothy Fitch and Winifred Maitland, who had trained at the Froebel Educational Institute in London, were recruited to head a new Normal School attached to the teachersâ college in Wellington, New Zealand, taking up their appointments in 1905 and 1912 respectively. Their brief was to modernize the curriculum for teacher education as a step towards modernizing teaching in schools. Bethell explores influences on the womenâs work and ideas and identifies challenges they encountered in implementing the changes in New Zealand schools, from old-style classroom architecture in which children were seated in galleries, to large class sizes. Despite obstacles, their normal school became a leading progressive model of infant schooling that gained the interest of teachers and educators throughout the dominion. Fitch and Maitlandâs work provides insights into the relevance of Froebelâs teachings in education today, not just for young children but, as they argued, for all children.
Johannes Westberg describes the phenomenon of exhibitions for fundraising for kindergarten in Sweden in the first half of the twentieth century. The exhibitions fulfilled several purposes in addition to fundraising, promoting the kindergarten idea and an image of bourgeois childhood â even though the kindergartens served working-class children. The exhibitions celebrated kindergarten through elaborate performances, combining a specific notion of âidyllic childhoodâ along with cultural elements. While the daily activities of teachers and children in kindergartens were largely hidden from view, the exhibitions brought their work to public attention, transforming it along the way to reflect Swedish culture in its songs, stories and games, along with elements reflecting citizenship and nationalism. The fundraising events promoted kindergarten as a private charitable enterprise, a funding context that contrasts with the current situation in Sweden, in which there is significant state investment along with interest in shaping the pedagogy and practice of early education and, more broadly, the culture of childhood.
In the final chapter in part one, Kristen Nawrotzki turns our attention to the American kindergarten through a case study of developments in Grand Rapids, Michigan from the 1870s to the early years of the twentieth century. Following kindergartensâ initial introduction into the United States by teachers trained in Germany, the system was spread through the work of individuals and voluntary womenâs organizations mobilizing local campaigns. As described by Nawrotzki, developments in Grand Rapids proceeded rapidly at times and only incrementally at others, as a type of âkindergarten conversionâ took hold in communities, which built a base of support for local organizationsâ private and charitable programmes. Nawrotzki identifies the conditions leading to the growth of kindergarten in smaller urban centres, including: rapid increase in population, the ...