Under the Socialist Banner

Resolutions of the Second International, 1889-1912

Mike Taber

• Publisher: Haymarket Books
• Year: 2021
• ISBN:
  9781642594881
• Topic: Política y relaciones internacionales
• Subtopic: Comunismo, poscomunismo y socialismo

Recent years have seen a massive growth of interest in socialism, particularly among young people. But few are fully aware of socialism 's revolutionary history. For this reason, an appreciation of the Second International--often called the "Socialist International"--during its Marxist years is particularly relevant. From 1889 to 1912 resolutions of the Second International helped disseminate and popularize a revolutionary aim: the overturn of capitalism and its replacement by the democratic rule of the working class, as a first step toward socialism. Despite weaknesses and contradictions that led to the Second International 's collapse in 1914, its resolutions during these years remain a resource for those studying the socialist movement 's history and objectives. Many of the topics dealt with--war and militarism, immigration, trade unions and labor legislation, women 's rights, colonialism, socialist strategy and tactics--remain just as relevant today. This book is the first English-language collection ever assembled of all the resolutions adopted by congresses of the Second International in its Marxist years.

1.

Paris Congrèss, July 14–20, 1889

As the centennial year of the French Revolution, 1889 was the scene of a number of exhibitions and events in Paris. Among these were two important international congresses of working-class organizations.

At the time, French socialism was divided into opposing wings: a revolutionary Marxist current led by Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue, and a reformist organization led by Paul Brousse. This latter tendency, whose overriding goal was to achieve reforms that it felt were possible under the capitalist system, came to be known as the “Possibilists.”

Allied with the French Possibilists were the British Trades Union Congrèss and some other workers’ organizations around the world. A November 1888 international conference initiated by the British unions voted to convene an international workers’ congress in Paris in 1889, entrusting the organization of this to the French Possibilists. At about the same time, the Guesde-Lafargue party in France decided to convene a separate world congress of revolutionary-minded forces.

The prospect of two rival meetings at the same time and place was troubling to many in the workers’ movement internationally. The leadership of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD)—at the time the largest and most influential Marxist party in the world—invited both sides to attend a conference, held in The Hague on February 28, 1889, with the goal of uniting the two events. The Possibilists refused to attend, however. Instead, they went ahead on their own, issuing a call on March 11 for their congress. The Marxists responded by taking steps to convene a separate congress, sending out invitations to socialist parties, trade unions, and other workers’ organizations.

One person deeply involved in helping to organize the Marxist gathering was Frederick Engels, the lifelong collaborator of Karl Marx. After Marx’s death in 1883, he was considered by most socialists to be the most authoritative figure in the world movement. Engels grasped the significance of the proposed meeting, seeing its potential to revive the work of the of 1864–76 International Workingmen’s Association—the First International, which Marx and he had helped lead.

In the months leading up to the congress, Engels maintained a voluminous correspondence with the leaders of the international socialist movement. His letters on the preparations and organization of this congress would fill a small volume.¹ He also did what he could to publicize the event.

One concern of Engels was that the organizers might be so eager to unify the two competing congresses that they would conciliate with the Possibilists on programmatic questions, watering down the movement’s revolutionary principles and thereby bringing unclarity into the world socialist movement. While not opposed in principle to a united congress, Engels was convinced that only one based around a clear socialist program and perspective could provide a lasting basis for effective international working-class organization and action.

On July 14, 1889 (the centenary of Bastille Day), the two congresses convened separately in Paris, attended by delegates from socialist parties and trade unions. The gatherings were roughly comparable in size: the Marxist congress drew 408 delegates from 24 countries; the Possibilist event was attended by 567 delegates from 14 countries.

Many prominent world socialist leaders were present at the Marxist congress: Wilhelm Liebknecht, August Bebel, Eduard Bernstein, and Clara Zetkin from Germany; Jules Guesde, Édouard Vaillant, and Paul Lafargue from France; Eleanor Marx, William Morris, and Keir Hardie from Britain; Victor Adler from Austria; Georgy Plekhanov from Russia; Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis from the Netherlands. Several delegates had been participants in the First International, such as César de Paepe and Leo Frankel. A number were veterans of the Paris Commune of 1871.

As Engels had foreseen, it was the Marxist congress, with its programmatic clarity and broader representation, that won the day. Even while both congresses were still in session, a few delegates from the Possibilist gathering started drifting into the Marxist event. Within a relatively short time, the Possibilist congress was largely forgotten, relegated to the status of a historical footnote. The Marxist congress, on the other hand, was the first meeting of what would become known as the Second International.

One of the resolutions of the 1889 congress was to have an especially important and lasting impact on the international working-class movement: the decision to embrace the initiative of the American Federation of Labor in calling for an internationally coordinated day of action on behalf of the eight-hour day. That initiative was meant to commemorate the movement begun in the United States in 1886—a struggle that became known worldwide because of the Haymarket events that year in Chicago.² With this in mind, May 1, 1890, was set as a day of demonstrations and strikes around the world to fight for the eight-hour-day demand. May Day has since become institutionalized as an international workers’ holiday—a day for demonstrating the power of the labor movement around the world.

Giving a balance sheet of the Paris Congrèss, Engels wrote that it proved to be “a brilliant success.”³

UNITY OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT AND INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES

Resolution presented by Wilhelm Liebknecht. The subject concerns the continued efforts toward unification with the Possibilist congress that was meeting in Paris at the same time.

The Congrèss notes that participants in the Hague conference and the Paris organizational committee have expressed their sincere desire for an agreement among all socialist parties and workers’ organizations with respect to the International Congrèss, and regrets that the steps taken to this end have not led to achievement of this goal.⁴

The Congrèss affirms that unity is the indispensable precondition for liberation of the proletariat. Every Social Democrat is therefore duty-bound to leave no stone unturned in taking measures to overcome discord.

The Congrèss therefore declares that it still stands ready to come to an understanding for unity, provided that the forces taking part in the other congress adopt a resolution along these lines that is acceptable to all participants in our Congrèss.

* * *

INTERNATIONAL LABOR LEGISLATION

Resolution based on drafts by August Bebel and Jules Guesde.

The International Socialist Labor Congrèss of Paris:

Having affirmed that the emancipation of labor and humanity cannot occur without the international action of the proletariat—organized in class-based parties—which seizes political power through the expropriation of the capitalist class and the social appropriation of the means of production;

Considering:

That the rapid development of capitalist production has been imposed on all countries, one after the other;

That the advance of capitalist production implies the increasing exploitation of the working class by the bourgeoisie;

That this increasingly intensive exploitation results in the political oppression of the working class, its economic subjugation, and its physical and moral degeneration;

That it is therefore the duty of workers of all countries to struggle, by all means at their disposal, against this social structure that weighs down on them and simultaneously threatens the free development of humanity. Above all, the task is to oppose the destructive actions of the present economic order.

The Congrèss resolves:

Effective protective legislation is an absolute necessity in all countries where capitalist production prevails.

As the basis of this legislation, the Congrèss calls for:

(a) Limiting the workday to a maximum of eight hours for adults.

(b) Ending labor for children under fourteen years of age; from fourteen to eighteen, the workday to be reduced to six hours for both sexes.

(c) Eliminating night work, except for certain branches of industry that by their nature require uninterrupted functioning.

(d) Ending labor for women in all branches of industry that are especially harmful to women’s bodies.

(e) Eliminating night work for women and workers under the age of eighteen.

(f) Uninterrupted rest of at least thirty-six hours a week for all workers.

(g) Ending certain types of industry and certain methods of manufacturing that are prejudicial to the health of workers.

(h) Ending the system of subcontracting.

(i) Eliminating payment in kind.

(j) Eliminating hiring intermediaries.

(k) Monitoring of all workshops and industrial establishments, including domestic industry, by inspectors paid by the state, at least half of whom are to be elected by the workers themselves.

The Congrèss declares that all these measures of public health must be defined by law and international treaties, which proletarians of all countries are urged to impose on their governments. The application of these laws and treaties, obtained in the manner deemed most effective, must be subject to monitoring and supervision.

The Congrèss declares, further, that it is the duty of workers to admit women into their ranks, on the basis of equality, and on the principles of equal work and equal pay for workers of both sexes and irrespective of nationality.

For this reason, as well as for the complete emancipation of the proletariat, the Congrèss considers it essential to organize workers in all fields, and consequently to demand absolute freedom of association and coalition.

* * *

WAYS AND MEANS FOR WINNING DEMANDS

The International Socialist Labor Congrèss of Paris:

Urges workers’ organizations and socialist parties of all countries to immediately set themselves to work, using all means (meetings, journals, petitions, demonstrations, etc.) to lead their respective governments:

1. To adhere to the intergovernmental conference of Bern, proposed by the Swiss government.⁵

2. To support at that congress the resolutions of the Paris International Congrèss.

In all countries with socialist elected representatives, these should bring the resolutions of the Paris Congrèss into municipal councils and parliaments.

In all elections, both municipal and legislative, these same resolutions should be part of the program of socialist candidates.

An executive commission is hereby created for the Paris Congrèss resolutions, with regard to the international labor legislation projected by the Swiss republic.

This commission, composed of five members, is charged with directly transmitting to the Bern conference the key demands that the labor organizations and socialist parties of Europe and America, meeting in Paris July 14–20, view as indispensable elements of international labor protection.

This commission is also given authority to convene the next international congress, which shall be held in a locality of Switzerland or Belgium, to be designated later.

Under the title La Journée de huit heures [the eight-hour day], a newspaper will be published, with the help of socialist parties represented at the Paris International Congrèss. The goal of this weekly organ is to centralize all information about the various national movements aimed at legislation to reduce the workday.⁶

* * *

INTE...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Copyrights
• Contents
• Introduction
• 1. Paris Congrèss, July 14–20, 1889
• 2. Brüssels Congrèss, August 16–22, 1891
• 3. Zurich Congrèss, August 6–12, 1893
• 4. London Congrèss, July 27-August 1, 1896
• 5. Paris Congrèss, September 23–27, 1900
• 6. Amsterdam Congrèss, August 14–20, 1904
• 7. Stuttgart Congrèss, August 18–24, 1907
• 8. Copenhagen Congrèss, August 28-September 3, 1910
• 9. Basel Congrèss, November 24–25, 1912
• Afterword: 1914—The Collapse of the Second International
• Appendixes
• Notes
• Sources for Resolutions
• Glossary
• Index
• Back Cover