Females surpass males on virtually every educational indicator, with recent statistics showing that nearly two out of every three bachelor's degrees awarded in the United States are granted to women (U.S. Department of Education 2016). Studies across Europe (e.g. Smyth 2005) also show that female educational attainment exceeds that of men. This phenomenon has been defined, and critiqued, as the āfemale advantageā in higher education (Buchmann and DiPrete 2006; Niemi 2017). In fact, women's overall success in acquiring human capital may be one of the central social changes in recent history.
In 1970, women accounted for only 41% of total fall enrollments (National Center for Education Statistics 2015b). By the fall of 2015, they made up 56% of total undergraduate enrollment (Mcfarland et al. 2017). At the graduate level, since 2014, higher percentages of women than of men have earned master's degrees, while at more advanced levels they have narrowed the gap (Posselt and Grodsky 2017). Women now outpace men in enrollment as well as attainment (Kezar 2004; Goldin et al. 2006; DiPrete and Buchmann 2013; Mcfarland et al. 2017). It has further been noted that collegeāeducated women experience advantages relative to other women in several other areas, including āwage labor opportunities, rates of marriage, standard of living, and protection against divorce and povertyā (DiPrete and Buchmann 2006, p. 8).
Compared to other historically disadvantaged groups, women experience overwhelming success in higher education. Yet, the reasons for that success remain largely undefined and have not clearly or consistently translated into labor market success or higher levels of socioeconomic attainment (Gabriel and Schmitz 2007; Ma et al. 2016). To that point, Niemi (2017) argues that the āfemale advantageā may be an illusion, pointing to the fact that women's educational successes have not led to socioeconomic attainment in part due to larger economic, social, and political responses that have suppressed the gains among an increasingly educated female population.
Though substantial literature exists on gender differences in higher education, and on women's postsecondary experiences in particular (Buchmann et al. 2008), we contend that this literature has not adequately synthesized theoretical perspectives to frame the specific issue of career and economic outcomes for women who have attained higher education. It lacks sufficient discussion in two key areas.
First, previous research generally fails to offer wellādefined mechanisms that might account for significant changes in women's career and economic outcomes over time. Though historical differences between men's and women's outcomes are well documented, explanations for these differences that account for the changing experience of gender in higher education are rarely articulated. We must understand these dynamics in order to identify emerging trends, predict future effects, and offer meaningful programmatic recommendations for more equitable higher education outcomes for all students.
Second, the literature on the career and economic effects of college has not adequately considered a critical feminist approach. A feminist approach includes scholarship from feminist theorists, critical race feminists, and others who seek to explore nuances of gender against numerous expectations, experiences, and outcomes (Acker 1987). Though the feminist perspective has many implications for framing discussions of women in education, or gender differences in education, it is largely, if not entirely, overlooked in the study of career and economic outcomes of higher education (Hart 2006). A lack of feminist perspectives in career and economic research may omit important context toward a broader understanding of differences between men and women, and even among women of various backgrounds.
With this chapter, we unpack and explore the āfemale advantageā in higher education by reviewing and synthesizing the literature on the career and economic outcomes following college. We shed new light on the notion of āfemale advantageā in relation to persistent gender gaps in labor market outcomes. In the sections that follow, we first discuss recent trends in education attainment in the United States to provide context for understanding gender differences. Though we draw most heavily from research conducted within the U.S. context, we note that numerous studies on the impact of college outside of the United States have reported similar patterns in both female advantage and lingering gender gaps in labor market outcomes (Machin and Puhani 2003; Smyth 2005; GarcĆaāAracil 2008). We then summarize the prevailing theoretical and empirical underpinnings for understanding gender differences in the effects of college on career and economic outcomes, before introducing a new, integrated conceptual model that builds on past research and provides structure for that in the future. Ultimately, with this chapter we aim to improve understandings and highlight new and emerging areas of inquiry on gender and the career and economic influence of higher education.
Trends and Context
The broader context for examining gender differences in the career and economic outcomes of college consists of students overwhelmingly reporting that economic and career factors are among the most important in their decision to pursue higher education. For example, the Higher Education Research Institute (HERI) found that, in 2016, entering college freshman claimed getting a better job (84.8%) and making more money (72.6%), gaining training for a specific career (77.9%), and preparing for graduate or professional school (61.2%) as very important factors in their decision to pursue a college degree (Eagan et al. 2017). In addition, a large body of evidence suggests that higher education, particularly completing a bachelor's degree, has a substantial positive influence on career and economic outcomes (Oreopoulos and Petronijevic 2013), including occupational status (Roksa and Levey 2010), labor force participation (Long 2010), and earnings (Perna 2005; Bitzan 2009). The benefits enjoyed by individuals who obtain a degree are substantial, as graduates earn nearly 20% more in annual income than those without a degree (Perna 2005), and the employment rate for young adults ages 20ā24 with a bachelor's degree or higher is 89% (National Center for Education Statistics 2015a). In fact, the benefits of higher education extend beyond marketābased, individual, or private returns. A college education also has substantial nonāmarket and public returns by contributing a more educated workforce for the knowledgeābased economy (Haigh and Clifford 2011) and a healthier, more civically involved citizenry (Kezar 2004; Mcmahon 2009).
Equality of educational opportunity has long been a concern of the U.S. federal government, and of nations around the globe, particularly as a social remedy for the inequalities tied to historically disadvantaged social groups. Several national programs illustrate the government's attempt to specifically combat educational inequality. Take, for example, the TRIO programs. First established as part of the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act as an extension of the War on Poverty (U.S. Department of Education 2011), TRIO programs offer services to lowāincome ...