Migration, Remittances, and Sustainable Development in Africa

Maty Konte, Linguère Mously Mbaye, Maty Konte, Linguère Mously Mbaye

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000259759
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Economics
• Subtopic: Development Economics
• Index: Economics

This book provides a strong multidisciplinary examination of the links between migration, remittances and sustainable development in Africa. It makes evidence-based policy recommendations on migration to help achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.

The key themes examined are migration and remittances, and their relations with the following issues: economic transformation, education and knowledge, corruption and conflict. Cross-cutting issues such as gender equality and youth are weaved throughout the chapters, and a rich range of country contexts are presented. The volume also discusses challenges in managing migration flows.

It will be of interest to advanced students, academics and policy makers in development economics and sustainable development.

1 Introduction

Maty Konte and Linguère Mously Mbaye

Over the past decade, migration has become a critical humanitarian and development issue in the world, including in Africa. Moreover, remittances sent by migrants to their home countries provide substantial funds that have been increasing, surpassing official development aid.¹ Research has shown that migrants act as agents of change through their financial contributions that improve the living standards of those left behind. Through the transmission of norms and knowledge, migrants stimulate social and political changes in their home countries. However, migrants also face several challenges and barriers during their journey to their transit and host countries. Such challenges violate migrants’ rights and reduce their potential contribution to development in their home countries.

Surprisingly, the previous development agenda (the UN’s Millennium Development Goals) did not pay attention to the importance of migration and remittances in transforming the societies in migrants’ home countries, nor did it tackle the challenges migrants face in their transit and host countries. Thanks to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), migration has been formally recognised as an important factor that should be considered for poverty reduction, human rights protection, and inclusive development by 2030.

Cutting-edge research is needed to better understand the role of migration and remittances within the SDG context in addition to an examination of the potential repercussions that nonresponsive migration policies may have on the achievement of SDGs in Africa. Therefore, this book’s main goal is to research, document, and discuss the role of migration in transforming the economic, social, and political aspects necessary for the success of SDGs. It also contributes to the discourse on the characteristics of migration decisions and challenges faced by migrants from Africa and analyse how some policies in the SDG context may help alleviate the conditions of African migrants. The book offers timely and comprehensive evidence to inform policymakers, researchers, and students who are interested in the links between population movements and the SDGs in Africa.

Unlike other books on migration and remittances, this book examines the links between the evidence and the goals and targets of the Sustainable Development Agenda, and how failure to undertake responsive migration policies may affect the success of some of the SDGs. The findings in each of the chapters identify SDGs’ goals or targets that have informative implications. It is worth noting that few reports exist on migration and the SDGs that have discussed why migration is important to the success of the SDGs. We go beyond anecdotal evidence and conduct accurate quantitative and qualitative research and use the findings to recommend policies for specific SDG goals. The authors of the chapters have adopted quantitative, qualitative, and explorative approaches in the book, which allows students and teachers to use it as supplementary or complementary material. This book is also a useful tool for policymakers interested in rigorous policy-based evidence with regard to migration issues. The experts writing the book chapters have a diverse range of experiences, backgrounds, origins, and genders. They have enriching experiences in conducting research and field work in Africa.

The book’s scope is related to the following issues: (1) migration, remittances, and the transformation of economies in Africa; (2) migration, remittances and education, and knowledge; (3) migration, remittances, and corruption and conflict; and (4) challenges in the management of migration flows. Cross-cutting issues such as gender equality and women’s empowerment and youth are also examined in the book.

Migration and remittances in Africa

Even though migration across countries represents a significant share of global human mobility, a much greater number of people migrate within their country’s borders. Based on the latest estimates, more than 700 million people in the world have been reported as having migrated within their country (IOM, 2018). Furthermore, recent environmental changes, as well as the over-exploitation of resources, are significant causes driving rural–urban and cyclical migration in Africa.² Four out of five of African migrants, or 19 million, originate from another African country. Put differently, migration in Africa is predominantly an intracontinental phenomenon, with nearly 80% of African immigrants coming from elsewhere in the region. Moreover, it is important to recall that Africa is also an attractive destination, as in 2017, 22% of immigrants were coming from outside the continent (AfDB, 2019). These figures are helpful to put into perspective the narrative around African migration, which often focusses on the flows outside the continent, or the phenomenon of irregular migration. Without underestimating the challenges posed by those types of flows, the picture of migration in Africa is more complex and nuanced than one might think. Migration patterns have thus been evolving across years and influenced by a set of different factors (UNCTAD, 2018).

Within the continent, Western Africa is characterised as the region with the highest share of migrants coming from other African countries and, more precisely, from neighbouring countries (Adepoju, 2017; AfDB, 2019). For instance, this flow largely comprises migrants originating from Mali and Niger moving to prominent migration hubs in the region, such as Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana (IOM, 2018). This migration pattern is strongly driven by seasonal, temporary, and permanent workers, for which labour mobility across the region has been facilitated by the visa-free movement instituted within the Economic Community of West African States. Southern Africa has also experienced an increasing level of intraregional migration. This flow has primarily been shaped by growing economic opportunities such as those emerging from the mining industry in South Africa (UNCTAD, 2018). In addition to economic reasons, conflicts and political instability have significantly influenced migration patterns in Africa over recent years, especially in Central and Eastern Africa.

Moreover, these regions are characterised not only by a high number of outgoing migrants and refugees, but also by an increasing number of incoming migrants and refugees. For example, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Ethiopia are origin countries of a large refugee population and host countries for this population coming from other countries (UNHCR, 2016). In contrast to Western African, migrants moving across Southern, Eastern, and Central Africa often use irregular channels to migrate, and they are frequently facilitated with the help of smugglers to reach their intended destinations (Carling, 2016; Frouws & Horwood, 2017; Majidi & Oucho, 2016). Unlike the other regions, Northern Africa does not feature high intraregional migration. Instead, the region has principally been recognised as a transit area for migrants and refugees going to Europe, due to its proximity to the Mediterranean Sea. Libya is the country that has hosted the most international migrants since 2010, originating mainly from Eastern and Western Africa (UNCTAD, 2018). However, the story is slightly different in Morocco. While this country was previously used mainly as a transit channel for migration, it is progressively converting into a destination country for migrants coming from other African regions (Berriane et al., 2015). This is also well documented in Chapter 14 of this book.

While the number of African migrants residing outside the continent has remained low compared to the number of internal migrants, extracontinental migration experienced a faster growth over recent years compared to intracontinental migration (UNCTAD, 2018). Between 2000 and 2017, the number of international migrants increased by 49% across the globe, from 173 to 258 million. African migrants contribute to 14% of the international migration flow, being 36 million across the world (UNDESA, 2017). This migration flow is characterised by a higher share of Northern African migrants, for whom the propensity to migrate outside the continent is higher than for migrants from other regions in Africa.

High levels of unemployment, as well as high income disparities between the origin and destination countries, are recognised as important drivers of this migration. In terms of destination, Europe and the Middle East are the main extracontinental destinations for African migrants (IOM, 2018). A number of migrants from North and West Africa are, for instance, hosted in Europe (European Commission Joint Research Centre, 2018).

The importance of these flows highlights the potential benefits associated with migration, which has been recognised as a potential source of development. In the context of labour migration, migrants contribute not only to filling labour and skill shortage in destination countries but also to the development in their country of origin, through remittances. For instance, the flow of financial remittances to Africa has been increasing constantly over recent decades. By 2018, remittance inflow in Africa reached $86 billion. In addition to being more stable than official development assistance and foreign direct investment, remittances have recently exceeded these other inflows (see Figure 1.1). Some countries in Africa are highly dependent on remittances, such as Liberia and Lesotho, for which 27% and 18% of their GDPs, respectively, are composed of remittances (UNCTAD, 2018).

Figure 1.1 Remittances, official development assistance, and foreign direct investment in Africa.

Source: World Development Indicators, The World Bank.

Migrants as agents of change in their home countries: a brief literature review

Remittances are recognised as a powerful factor in poverty reduction for families staying in their communities of origin (Hagen-Zanker et al., 2017). For instance, evidence from Ghana and Ethiopia show that households receiving remittances are significantly less likely to be poor (Adams & Cuecuecha, 2013; Beyene, 2014). In addition to alleviating poverty, remittances have been found to reduce inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa (Akobeng, 2016). Using household surveys from Kenya, Bang et al. (2016) provide evidence that remittances increase expenditures at all levels of the distribution, though poorest households tend to benefit the most.

Due to the presence of imperfect insurance markets in developing countries, remittances can also be viewed as an informal insurance, which acts as a safety net for households in the event of negative shocks (Lucas & Stark, 1985; Yang, 2011). As a consequence, this mechanism has been found to lessen household consumption instability for a range of different adverse events, such as unfavourable weather, natural disasters, and conflicts (Bettin & Zazzaro, 2017; Combes & Ebeke, 2011; Fransen & Mazzucato, 2014; Wouterse & Taylor, 2008).

Additionally, remittances can be pro-cyclical and used as a means to accumulate assets and physical capital investment, leading to an improvement in the wealth of households and long-term welfare (Yang, 2011). For instance, household surveys from Burkina Faso, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, and Uganda show that 20% of international remittances are used for investment in buying land or equipment, starting a business, or improving a farm (Boly et al., 2014). More recent reports on Ethiopia show the same tendency, yet with an increased share of 40% of international remittances that are used for physical capital investment (UNCTAD, 2018). Besides the accumulation of physical capital, remittances can have a positive impact on education (Nicolai et al., 2016). Based on a household survey from Ghana, Adams and Cuecuecha (2013) provide empirical evidence that households that are the recipients of international and internal remittances tend to spend 1.9% and 3.6% more at the margin on education, respectively.

In terms of educational outcomes, remittances have been found to incr...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of contributors
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• Part I Migration, remittances, and economic transformation in Africa
• Part II Migration, education, and knowledge in Africa
• Part III Migration, remittances, corruption and conflicts
• Part IV Challenges in the management of migration flows
• Index