A rich body of research has emerged in the last three decades under the banner of transnationalism. A growing concern for globalization and its capitalist bent, a right-wing populism and a neo-nationalist protectionist approach to borders have inspired many social scientists to turn to transnationalism as an analytical tool. Today, as we write this introduction, the political borders of most nation-states are closed as an unprecedented measure to curb the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The mobility of people and goods has come to a halt in a way that no one has seen in the recent past. What does transnationalism tell us in this kind of situation? As members of a global TESOL community, what can we learn from transnationalism? Before answering these questions, we should take a look at the meaning and etymology of this important keyword.
Conceptualizations and institutionalizations of transnationalism
Although scholars have investigated transnational practices since the 1980s (see, for example, Appadurai & Breckenridge, 1988; Kearney, 1995), transnationalism as a research paradigm first gained ground and popularity in the field of anthropology back in the early 1990s. Specifically, in their seminal book entitled Nations unbound: Transnational projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nation-states, Basch, Schiller, and Szanton (1994), the American anthropologists, used transnationalism as a research paradigm in order to investigate issues surrounding international migrations. Through their work, the concepts of transnationalism and âtransnational social fieldâ gained popularity. Basch, Schiller, and Szanton (1994) called for the development of a âtransnational analytical frameworkâ by conceptualizing âtransnationalism as processes and of the construction of identities that reflect transnational experience, individuals, communities, or statesâ (p. 9). Since then âtransnationalismâ has become an important analytical concept and category in various disciplines including history (Iriye, 2004; Saunier, 2013), sociology, language education (Duff, 2015), higher education (Phan, 2017), political sciences (Sikkink, 1998), and curriculum studies, to name a few.
The project of transnationalism, historically speaking, was first developed in the United States. As such, epistemologies, theories, and research practices in the field of transnationalism were predominantly US-oriented during the past decades. Today, however, transnationalism has gained a firm footing in different settings and contexts across Europe, Asia, Africa, the Arabian Gulf, and Latin America with different ontological, epistemological, theoretical, and pedagogical orientations. Scholars in diverse geographical locations have used disciplinary, interdisciplinary, and multidisciplinary approaches to understanding transnational activitiesâpolitical, economic, social, cultural, and educationalâwithin their respective contexts. Such diversity of scholarly endeavors are evident, for example, in Youâs (2018) Transnational writing education: Theory, history, and practice and Phanâs (2017) Transnational education crossing âAsiaâ and âthe Westâ: Adjusted desire, transformative mediocrity and neo-colonial disguise. The field of higher education has recently witnessed numerous scholarly endeavors, including projects (e.g., Asia Pacific Economic CooperationâAPEC Transnational Education Data Collection ProjectâCross-Border Provider Mobility), special issues (e.g., Mok, Han, & Jiang, 2018; Windle & OâBrien, 2019), edited collections (e.g. GarcĂ©s-Mascareñas & Penninx, 2016; You, 2018), articles (e.g., De Fina & Perrino, 2013; Duff, 2015), conferences (e.g., International Conference on Transnational Education), and books (e.g., Phan, 2017) on transnational scholarly activities.
Transnational activities and their durability, in one way or another, have been examined through âtheir degree of institutionalizationâ as MĂŒgge (2016, p. 11) and other scholars (e.g., Van Amersfoort, 2001) noted. Transnational activities are institutionalized through âhighâ versus âlowâ as well as âbelowâ versus âaboveâ degrees. Other scholars have also âcategorized transnational activities by distinguishing between various types of transnationalismâ (MĂŒgge, 2016, p. 112; see also Nell, 2007). These categorizations may take five different forms:
The first is transplanted homeland activities, where habits or conflicts between ethnic groups in the homeland are transplanted to the immigrant community ⊠The second type is transplanted immigrant activities, which emerge when migrants return to the homeland with skills and ideas acquired in the host country ⊠The third type is homeland-directed transnational activities. Here, migrants in the country of settlement direct their activities towards their country of origin. The fourth type, diaspora activities, is a subset of homeland-directed transnational activities for groups that do not have a homeland. The fifth category is country of residence-directed transnational activities.
(MĂŒgge, 2016, p. 112)
What is clearly evident in the aforementioned climate is that transnational activities, broadly speaking, are manifestations of globalization and neoliberal free market ideologies. That is,
globalization has given rise to unprecedented levels of mobility of people and ideas across national borders, [and] it has also drawn attention to the growing levels of cultural diversity in most communities, raising the possibilities of both cultural exchange and conflict.
(Rizvi & Choo, 2020, p. 2)
Social actors in different contexts and settings have their own conceptions of transnationalism guided by commonly held (generalized) beliefs that we all âbelong to a single global communityâ (Rizvi & Choo, 2020, p. 2). These beliefs, within the current turns and debates about Global English (GE), and the use of English in multilingual contexts, are located in a diverse sets of epistemological, theoretical, ideological, linguistic, cultural, ethical, and pedagogical practices (see, for example, Alim, Ibrahim, & Pennycook 2009; Blackledge & Creese, 2010; Blommaert, 2010; Duff, 2015; Li, 2012; Rumbaut, 2002). Collectively, in these scholarly works, the discussions and arguments that English, as a global language, has a potential to bridge boundaries in a transnational world are the key. One recent case in point is Rose and Gallowayâs (2019) work on Global Englishes for language teaching. In it, the authors argue that â[t]he spread of English as a global language has resulted in the emergence of a number of related fields of research within applied linguistics, including English as an International Language, English as a Lingua Franca, and World Englishesâ (p. xx). The emergence of these different fields of research also has numerous implications to TESOL policies, curricula, and pedagogical practices. Rose and Gallowayâs (2019) arguments in many ways support Duffâs (2015) position that the field of TESOL/Applied Linguistics is now âincreasingly concerned with identity construction and expression through particular language and literacy practices across the life span, at home, in diaspora settings, in short-term and long-term sojourns abroad for study or work, and in other contexts and circumstancesâ (p. 57).
In this volume, we will not only acknowledge the current debates and key theories about Global Englishes, English as a Lingua Franca, language teaching and multilingualism, transnationalism, and identity in relation to mobility, but we will also endeavor to move the existing scholarly debates forward. Specifically, we will take the position that despite the existence of numerous studies on transnationalism in relation to the field of TESOL, the nexus between transnationalism and TESOL teacher education remains relatively silent.