Now at that time the twin SÄla trees were all one mass of bloom with flowers out of season; and all over the body of the TathÄgata these dropped and sprinkled and scattered themselves, out of reverence for the successor of the Buddhas of old. (MahÄparinibbÄnasutta, 5.2)
As a result of growing urbanisation and the rise of sedentary societies, early historic India (c. 500 BCāAD 300) saw significant social change. One of the most remarkable changes was the emergence of two new social classes, the urban elites (nÄgaraka) and social renouncers (Åramaį¹a). Of them, the more successful group of Åramaį¹as was certainly the Buddhist saį¹gha, which gained a foothold in the lower Gangetic valley and soon expanded into other parts of the Indian subcontinent (particularly after the Maurya period, c. 300ā200 BC). Through its expansion, Buddhism significantly shaped certain aspects of urban society, and in turn adopted a variety of ideas and practices from the nÄgaraka.
This article will explore the integration of Buddhism into early urban India through its use and adaptation of garden imagery. Royal gardens and rich, urban household gardens were cultural institutions of some significance in the period, and Buddhist order seems to have developed a close relationship with garden culture.1 As a result, there is a rich garden imagery in early Buddhist literature and architecture (c. 200 BCāAD 300).
Early Buddhist texts often use flower and plant imagery to glorify the Buddhaās miraculous acts. Early Buddhist architecture, particularly stÅ«pas, were also full of motifs linked with gardens ā lotuses, vine-scrolls, trees, fruits and courtly figures playing in gardens. How did early Buddhist literature and architecture adopt garden imagery and accommodate it within a Buddhist framework? What are the historical implications behind this phenomenon? This article addresses these questions by examining the Buddhist use of garden imagery in textual and artistic traditions. In the first section, I will give an overview of the nature of the garden in early historical India and its geographical, social and ideological links with Buddhism; then, I will examine the use of garden imagery in representative Buddhist scriptures compiled in the early centuries AD, such as the Buddhacarita and early MahÄyÄna sÅ«tras. In the third and fourth sections, I will examine the use of garden motifs in early Buddhist stÅ«pas (c. 200 BCāAD 300) to highlight their distinctive features, particularly in the treatment of erotic figures. The geographical focus of this section will be central India and the Deccan as they were core areas of growing urbanisation in India between 200 BC and AD 300. They also preserve the richest Buddhist remains of this period.
Gardens and Early Buddhism
Judging from the sources, there were probably a number of ātypesā of gardens in early India ā residential gardens attached to palaces, mansions, or wealthy households, orchards on royal lands, and what may have been āpublicā gardens maintained by the king. The most commonly mentioned among these is the residential garden ā although in many texts the precise type of garden described is less than clear. Daud Ali has argued that palatial and mansion gardens (ÄrÄma) in ancient India were beautiful, highly ordered and carefully ornamented places continuous with the ordered domestic space of the palace.2 But unlike the royal residential quarters and assembly hall which formed the official arenas of courtly life, the garden functioned as a place of more private and intimate enjoyments. Various courtly activities such as the Spring Festival and the related worship of KÄmadeva, picnics with companions and secret meetings with lovers and courtesans took place there.3 According to the KÄmasÅ«tra, lovers (nÄyaka, nÄyikÄ) were to play various games in the gardens using plants and flowers, including the opening of mangoes, eating roasted grains and lotus stems, playing with new leaves and so on. They were also to enjoy various activities connected with erotic pleasures, including drinking wine, dancing, spraying water and various games of courtship.4 Such garden activities are confirmed in Buddhist literature. In the Buddhacarita by AÅvaghoį¹£a (c. 2nd century AD), for example, there is an episode depicting the Bodhisattvaās walk in the pleasure garden accompanied by courtesans who were asked to seduce him. The scene is described as follows:
Then surrounded by the women, the prince wandered through the garden, like an elephant through the Himalayan forest, accompanied by a herd of females. In that lovely grove he shone with the women in attendance on him, like Vivasvat surrounded by Apsaras-es in the pleasance of VidhrÄja. Then some of the young women there, pretending to be under the influence of intoxication, touched him with their firm, rounded, close-set, charming breasts. One made a false stumble and clasped him by force by her tender arm-creepers, which hung down loosely from her dropping shoulders. Another, whose mouth with copper-coloured lower lip smelt of spirituous liquor, whispered in his ear, āListen to a secretā.5
Such prescriptive and poetical representations suggest that the garden in ancient India was not merely a place for cultivating plants, but had unique and indispensable functions in urban and courtly society, distinctively different from those of the royal palace. While the royal palace was a kind of āpublicā space where a series of fixed manners and customs had to be observed, gardens were āprivateā, intimate and āfluidā places where expected social customs, such as the continence of sexual desire, were likely to be violated.6 The royal assembly and the pleasure garden thus formed complementary topoi in the urban courtly culture.
Why, then, did Buddhism make such use of the garden and its imagery ā which appears ostensibly at odds with monastic life? There are two possible reasons. The first was the geographical and social āseparated proximityā of the garden to the urban space. As indicated by both textual and non-textual evidence, gardens and Buddhist monasteries both tended to be located at the āperipheryā of or āintersticesā between more densely settled areas. In the Buddhacarita, the Buddha goes to a pleasure grove not directly from the palace but by passing through the city to a spatially separate garden, perhaps for nobles. This seems to indicate that the grove was not attached to the palace and was located in a remote part of the city.7 Schopenās study of the MÅ«lasarvÄstivÄda vinaya suggests that gardens and monasteries were located very close to each other and had similar environmental conditions.8 My archaeological survey of the Andhra region in the eastern Deccan also indicates that early historic cities of this region had Buddhist monasteries in fringe areas around the fortifications.9 An apparent reason for their geographical and environmental āseparated proximityā was that both gardens and monasteries required quiet, sheltered surroundings, but also easy access from or to the city centre ā in this sense they were urban rather than rustic phenomena. It may also be noted that both gardens and monasteries were places for extraordinary activities, such as the Spring Festival, loverās meetings and ascetic life, in which everyday social customs and ethics were transcended.10 Although their functions and aims were quite different and even seemingly incompatible, they were nevertheless related institutions in urban spaces in terms of their āsepa...