Part I
THE PAST
Chapter 1
PRAYER LEADERSHIP, IMAMS AND WOMEN: DEFINING THE CONTEXTS AND SETTING THE ISSUES
Introduction
This chapter is a survey of issues in pre-modern Islam which are at the heart of debates on prayer leadership with specific reference to women. They include definitons of authority, leadership and guidance, concepts and understandings of ritual purity. The term imam is analysed in its varied uses and scriptural references and is shown, depending on context, to be used to indicate ritual but also political leadership. Some of the prerequisites for being, or being recognized as, a legitimate imam have become in time, especially in Islamic jurisprudence, increasingly complex and varied. Two of them, moral excellence (fadila) and precedence in submission and service to Islam (sabiqa) have been studied within the context of political leadership and found to be interrelated with prayer leadership. For this reason, in the present book, while the emphasis will be on prayer leadership, due consideration will also be given to the political connotation of the role of imam. The two prerequisites, of excellence and precedence, will be tested against the field of ritual leadership when analysing, in the next two chapters, the reports of Umm Salama, âAâisha and Umm Waraqa, whom the sources present as having led prayer. A short survey of the pre-modern ideal roles of the imam will also provide the basis for comparison with modern roles to be explored in the final chapter of this book.
The framing questions for this chapter are: the extent to which any semantic developments can be identified in some key terms linked to ritual authority; and whether the bases of ritual authority have changed over time and, with them, the imamâs roles, qualities or prerequisites for being an imam.
Almost three centuries after the Prophet Muhammad received his first revelation, the great Sunni Muslim historian Abu Jaâfar al-Tabari (d. 923) completed his universal history. In it, he recorded in great detail the events of the Prophetâs life, among them, those linked to what al-Tabari defines as the first among the duties of a Muslim: salat (worship, prayer). In discussing how prayer came about, al-Tabari relies on the literary accounts of the biography of the Prophet in the Sirat al-Nabi by Ibn Ishaq (d. 768), by using a redaction which is different from the more famous later edition by Ibn Hisham (d. 833).
Al-Tabari recounts that after the Archangel Gabriel had shown the Prophet how to worship, Muhammad âwent to Khadija and performed the ablution for her in order to show her how to purify herself for prayer, as Gabriel had shown him. She performed the ablution as he had done and then he led her in prayer [salla biha] as Gabriel had led him [salla bihi], and she followed his actionsâ.1 As the first to have believed in the truthfulness of her husbandâs divine mission, Khadija is presented as not only the first âconvertâ to Islam but also the first believer to be instructed on how to pray and be led in prayer by the Prophet. The ritual requirements for her worship and the manner of its performance are thus identical to those of the Prophet himself. Hence, not only the ritual âdutyâ of worship, but also its performance, are shown to be the same for all believers, irrespective of gender. While the pre-eminence of Khadijaâs character is uncontested among Muslim scholars past and present, her exemplary role as worshipper has not been sufficiently explored. Though the above account could be viewed as an example of âgender equalityâ in ritual performance at the inception of Islam, it could, however, also be reflecting a hierarchical model in ritual leadership. God (through Its genderless angel) instructs and leads the Messenger, a man, who, in turn, instructs and leads Khadija, a woman, his wife.
The above account sets the stage to address the following questions: in which contexts do we find women singled out in the act of prayer in early Islam? To what extent have historians and scholars, reporting about prayer in early Islam, included the religious, political and social context in which that prayer was taking place? And more specifically, what is meant or understood by ritual leadership? Is it a form of instruction and of guidance on the part of the âleaderâ, an imitation by the person being led, as described above in the Sira account? Are the rules of leading prayer dependent upon specific spatial, social and other factors or are they beyond these variables? The answers to these questions will provide the background to Chapter 2 on pre-modern debates on the permissibility of women leading women, as well as to Chapter 3 about women leading men. They will be revisited in Chapter 4, when discussing the uses of past precedents in current debates on female imama.
Prayer and women: Purity and leadership
Ritual purity has been associated with Islamic prayer from its very inception.The Qurâanic references to ritual purity have been typically linked, among other verses, to the Medinan verse 4.43, âDo not approach prayers ⌠if you are in a state of major impurity (junub) ⌠until you have fully washedâ, as well as 5.6, âwhen you are about to pray, wash your face, and your arms ⌠and if you are in a state of junub, purify yourselvesâ. Thus, it could be deduced that being in a state of ritual purity is foremost among the conditions for the prayer to be valid for the worshipper. In works of tafsir, Qurâanic verses relating to purity (tahara) are subject to multiple interpretations about the meanings of purity, inclusive of physical, ritual and ethical purity, which are not exclusive of one another, but rather all-encompassing.2
That tahara is a pre-eminent element for the validity of prayer is indicated by the priority that the topic is given in classical treatises of Islamic jurisprudence where issues of practices of ritual purification appear as the first subject matter in the section on obligatory acts of devotion to God. As the jurist al-Shafiâi put it, all devotional acts are enabled by tahara and can be summarized into two main concepts: cleanliness and worship.3 The pre-eminence of purity in the context of ritual prayer is also reflected in historical and literary narratives, as exemplified by al-Tabariâs recourse to the Sira to explain the origin of prayer in Islam. There, the need for purity comes as part of an instruction by no less than the Archangel Gabriel.
Purity
Purity is defined as the absence of its counterpart: impurity. Different causes for impurity can lead to a state of minor or major impurity. Muslim jurists posited that certain bodily functions, such as urination, defecation or, for instance, touching a person of the opposite sex, usually result in minor impurity, which can be rectified through a minor ablution (wuduâ). Other bodily emissions, like semen or menstrual blood, as well as sexual activity, will lead to a state of major impurity which needs to be cleansed through a complete ablution (ghusl). While the requirements for purity are gender neutral, two of the causes of major impurity are specific to women: menstruation (hayd)4 and post-partum bleeding. Neither of these causes, however, imply a notion of substantive impurity or a contagious state.5 In legal literature the ritual restrictions for a menstruating or bleeding woman are not confined to prayer (or touching and reciting the Qurâan), but extend to entering a mosque, and other rituals such as fasting and performing a valid hajj.6
Theologically, purity laws, with reference to prayer, can be interpreted as an expression of the believerâs obedience to divine instructions, and as a way of honouring the divine by approaching its message and the rituals it enjoined in a purified state. A socio-anthropological understanding of purity laws focuses on the demarcation of communal identity, specifically among early Muslims vis-Ă -vis non-Muslims. In attempting to explain the common denominator among Muslim scholars on the...