Take time to set the scene
Within some qualitative traditions, time and temporality have been central in scholarly practiceâsome older, like narrative approaches (e.g., Bruner, 1987; Sarbin, 1986) or memory work (e.g., Haug, 1987), some younger, like qualitative longitudinal research (e.g., Holland, Thomson, & Henderson, 2006; Saldaña, 2003) or story completion (e.g., Clarke, Braun, Frith, & Moller, 2019). In others, time and temporality are virtually absent, or rather invisible or obscured; not urgently demanding analytic or conceptual attention. Although we have both conducted (versions of) longitudinal qualitative research (e.g., Burgoyne, Clarke, Reibstein, & Edmunds, 2006; Willcox, Moller, & Clarke, 2019), and used and taught qualitative methods with explicit temporal dimensions like memory work, diaries (e.g., Meth, 2017), and story completion, we come from those latter traditions. This shapes what we âseeâ (and do not see) and our âtakeâ on time and change in this chapter. Importantly, our argument here also reflects the moment in time of thinking and writing. We aim to emphasise, extrapolating from a point Saldaña (2003) made when writing about longitudinal qualitative research, that time itself is not a neutral thing, a universal thing, and is indeed a changing thing.
In this chapter, which will meander by design, like the meandering practice of good qualitative research, we focus on two aspects of time in qualitative research: the relationship between time and change, and time as resource. Throughout, we assume a conceptualisation of qualitative research as research that is qualitative in both methods and values (see Braun & Clarke, 2013; Grant & Giddings, 2002), what Kidder and Fine (1987) dubbed Big Q qualitative. This contrasts with small q qualitativeâqualitative research conceptualised merely as research tools and techniques, but served up on the table of (post)positivism (see Kidder & Fine, 1987).
First, we explore time and change in relation to the data we collect and engage with, analytically, and reflect on this in relation to some of our own research and training experiences. We argue for the importance of recognising qualitative research as a contextually situated practice, with temporality as one of those important contexts, and qualitative researchers as contextually and temporally situated practitioners. We then move into considering the resources and constraints of time in relation to qualitative research, particularly in relation to the analysis of qualitative data. We consider Ritzerâs (1993) âMcDonaldizationâ thesis, as applied to qualitative researching (e.g., Brinkman, 2012; Bryman & Beardsworth, 2006), and notions of âmethodolatryâ (Chamberlain, 2000) and âproceduralismâ (King & Brooks, 2017). We challenge the increasing emphasis on efficiency and proceduralism in some contexts by highlighting the importance of what we call the slow wheel of interpretation for qualitative researching.
Academics in time and context
Before we discuss these two dimensions of time and qualitative research, it seems appropriate to locate ourselves in time, and briefly reflect on the time pressures within which academics increasingly operate. Time means quite different things to us now than it did when we started our PhD journeys in the Department of Social Sciences at Loughborough University in the autumn of 1997,1 both conducting broadly discursive and critical qualitative research. Then, our particular focus with time was finishing our PhDs before three years of scholarship funding (Virginia) or the four-year completion period emphasised by UK research councils (Victoria) ran out. This might be a familiar feeling to readers doing PhDs who are lucky enough to have funding. For Virginia, with a brutalisingof-herself working schedule, she managed it, submitting on the last day her funding covered. Similarly, Victoria, keen to be a âfour-year completerââsomething which seemed to signal some kind of PhD âsuccessââmanaged, despite illness and undergoing major surgery, to submit within the four-year limit.
We are not suggesting that such schedules were ideal, and since then, our positions around the possibility of âbending time to our willâ have changed, reflecting different life circumstances, including chronic disease/disability, among other things. Whilst we canâobviouslyâmake some choices in relation to our research that facilitate âtimely completionâ of our projects, we hope one of the key âtakeawaysâ from this chapter is that qualitative researchers should interrupt the idea that âtimely completionâ is the be-all and end-all of qualitative researching. Although âcompletingâ is an important goal and aspiration, an overly strong focus on âthe end-pointâ can undermine quality. In saying this, we recognise that almost all qualitative researchers are operating in conditions of expectation and pressure that work directly against much of what we are going to discuss. Whilst we might promote practices stemming from what is âideal,â we cannot all make choices to practise in those ways. Despite the popular myth that if you only believe in yourself, your dream, your qualitative project enough, anything is possible, not everything is possible. We are all constrained in various ways, both obvious and obscured. We are all subject to the vicissitudes of life, although social privilege can provide a buffer that socially marginalised groups cannot access. Within the ebbs and flows of life as a qualitative researcher, there is much to be gained in reflecting and thinking: for being âinformedâ and âknowingâ practitioners and for understanding what we are giving up in the compromises we inevitably make in any project.
Time and change
An aspect of time emphasised by nursing researcher Sandelowski (1999) is the location of our data collection in time. As qualitative researchers, we often emphasise the value of context, but many of us (ourselves included) do not orient enough to the moments in time of our data collection. We therefore offer seven moments in time from our own training and research experiences where this became salient for us (two are discussed under one heading).
Analysing data dislocated from time
The first moment was during our PhDs in a research methods course. This course was predominantly focused on the discursive and conversation analytic âlanguage practiceâ approaches developed and favoured by many Loughborough social science academics.2 In a session on membership categorisation analysis (see Housley & Fitzgerald, 2017), our group of exclusively white academics and students were discussing data from a conversation recorded in California in the 1960s or 1970s. The moment that remains salient came when we considered a segment of the talk where the racial background (African-American) of someone being discussed was noted in a brief aside (using the N word). Much interpretation went on. How could we make sense of the speaker making race salient through this word, in this sequence of talk? What could it tell us about race talk, prejudice, and so on? Victoria remembers asking about more recent âreclamationâ of the term by some African-Americans (e.g. in rap and hip-hop culture), emphasising context in interpretation. Virginia does not remember this. From her memory, no one paused to question whether the racial context in California, two to three decades before the then late 1990s UK context, was an important factor in how we can and should interpret the data. Memory is fallible, as we know. But Virginia does recall a post-group rant with Victoria and others, questioning the validity of the analysis of data displaced in time and space. The treatment of the data divorced from its temporal context connects with what social scientists Mauthner and GĂĄrdos (2015) have noted as the problematic nature of âtreating data independently of their ontological contexts of productionâ (p. 164) or not recognising âdataâ as âreflexively constituted through historically- and culturally-specific practicesâ (p. 164). Temporality constitutes one of the contexts of production for qualitative data; one that became largely obscured in this teaching session. Data are not âjust data,â they potentially become and mean something different, as the temporal context of our engagement shifts (Sandelowski, 2011).
The second and fourth quite different experiences also happened during our PhDs; the third happened more recently.
Participants beyond data collection: positive transformation and change
Loughborough was a small student town, so we inevitably bumped into participants in the pub. Awkward, but not too much. When this happened to Virginia, the (somewhat inebriated) student told her that taking part in one of her focus groupsâfor research on âwomenâs experiences around their genitaliaâ (e.g. Braun & Kitzinger, 2001; Braun & Wilkinson, 2003)âhad been eye-opening and transformative for them. It had changed things. Virginia basked in a warm glow of âhappy participantâ success. She also held on to this moment because it connected to a claim about focus groupsâthen not yet the ubiquitous method that they have becomeâthat participating in a focus group discussion can be akin to a âconsciousness-raisingâ session (Wilkinson, 1998, 1999). For readers not steeped in feminist history, consciousness-raising groups were popular in the 1960s and 1970s, particularly in the US. They aimed to bring womenâs understanding about an experience or issue, a source of oppression, to âconsciousnessââor to a feminist and sociostructural analysis (see Shreve, 1989). The personal as political. Focus groups had been identified as a feminist method for various reasons, including for the potential for collective conversation to lead to change, be that individually or collectively.
Victoria had a similar experience more recently (our third incident)âwith a participant at the end of a focus group exploring young adultâs understandings of bisexuality commenting enthusiastically about how much they had learned from the discussion. Their understanding had been transformed through participating in the research. This obviously problematises the notion of participant-as-informant and doing qualitative research, and focus groups specifically, to capture pre-existing (and fixed) understandings rather than contextually and temporally situated sense-making. In light of this participantâs comment, a better conceptualisation of the research question is âexploring sense-makingâ rather than âexploring understandings.â The latter framing potentially implies something pre-existing the focus group, the former captures something that unfolds during, and in the context of, the focus group.
Trajectories from research can bring harm
The fourth incident happened when Victoria bumped into a focus group participant in Loughboroughâs only gay bar. On seeing Victoria, the participant exclaimed âI knew it!â The focus group, with Loughborough undergraduates, had focused on the meaning of family, including questions about lesbian and gay parenting (the topic of Victoriaâs PhD; see Clarke, 2001, 2005). The participant had come out as âgayâ in the group, slowly (dropping lots of hints) and tentatively, but Victoria had not (although for those âin the knowâ her appearance was readable as lesbian). Victoria and the participant chatted. The participant mentioned that another participant in the focus group had broken the confidentiality agreement and outed them to the rest of their student-year cohortâwith, they felt, religiously motivated homophobic intent. Aside from the ethical breaches, this conversation provided insight into the ways in which the consequences of participating in research can continue to unfold for participants long after we have packed up our recording equipment, thanked them and left the âfield.â We leave, and perhaps imagine our participants fixed in time, but they are not. The aftermath of participating in research might be minimal, or significant, or even transformative for participants, in good or bad ways.
The conversation also provided a new context for reading and interpreting the focus group transcript, but not one Victoria had legitimate access to as âdata.â This created a dilemma for reporting the analysis of this focus group. Victoria could not unknow what she now knew, but she could not report it. This highlights that even a method like focus groups, acclaimed as more ânaturalisticâ than other methods (e.g. interviews), as they to some extent resemble communication practices in everyday life (Wilkinson, 1999), still only capture a moment in time. Furthermore, this moment in time is displaced from the vicissitudes of participantsâ everyday lives and framed within the context of the study and data collection.
Attempting to explore transformation through focus group research
As feminist researchers, with interests in health and wellbeing, the possibility of positive, transformative change is important, even if we do not do work that is directly about change. Virginia came back to her inebriated participantâs comment when she designed a project examining discourses of sexual health and risk in Äotearoa/New Zealand; this project provides our fifth example. With a focus on heterosex, and a context in which sexual health statistics were appallingly bad, she incorporated an element of âchangeâ in the design. Virginia invited those interested to participate in a second focus group, many months after the first. She collected data from...