PART I
Motivations to Explore Our Storied Mind
Humans have deep connections with stories and the narrative arts. Psychology and cognitive science have already made great contributions to literary analysis, and neuroscience is starting to contribute significantly to the understanding of our storied minds. Other fields also have much to contribute, and gains are being made from a multidisciplinary approach to story, its variety of forms, and its effects on us. Perhaps the greatest return has been a better grasp of the reciprocal dynamic by which culture molds, and is in turn molded by our brains and minds, and how the imagination is an important mediator of this.
1
The Scheherazade Syndrome
In 1994, A. S. Byatt published a novella, The Djinn in the Nightingaleâs Eye, about a contemporary woman with a professional interest in stories. The protagonist, Gillian Perholt, is first seen on a plane leaving London for Ankara to attend a meeting of narratologists. As the plane ascends through the clouds, the novellaâs own narrator lays out Gillianâs backstory and the nature of the tale of which she is part. âHer business was story telling, but she was no ingenious queen in fear of the shroud brought in with the dawnâ (95). The reference is of course to Scheherazade, narrator of One Thousand and One Nights, the centuries-old collection of folk tales from the Middle East. The allusion also points to the temporal and thematic scope of the novella to come. Behind this is a presumption. For it is taken as given that Byatt, Gillian, and indeed the reader share the propensity to be entranced by entirely invented characters and the experiential journeys they undertake, whether contemporary or ancient.
The story displays some playfully recursive maps within maps; a key reframing device being that, in the course of Byattâs story, Gillian in effect âentersâ the very stories she is studying, mostly folk and fairy tales; the Djinn of the title turning up as a genie with whom she has a series of ever more puzzling and intimate interactions, and who, in the traditional manner, grants her three wishes, but also teaches her how to avoid the traditional folk-tale irony of regretting her choice.
Along the way we are given Gillianâs scholarly take on narrative. We are told that she âwas accustomed to say, in lectures, that it was possible that the human need to tell tales about things that were unreal, originated in dreams, and that memory had certain things also in common with dreams; it re-arranged, it made clear, simple narratives, certainly it invented as well as recallingâ (203). For the Djinn is not only a dream-like element in the story, the Djinn is story, providing wish-fulfillment even as it offers enlightenment. We too may be puzzled by the intimate power of narratives, especially fictional ones, but we can no more ignore their connection to our mental lives, conscious and subconscious, than we can refuse to partake of three wishes.
Some of the most fundamental questions about narrative, and its effect on us, can be lost if we focus only on completed fictional works, their themes and structure, antecedents, and impacts. If a fundamental aim is to learn how sentences and paragraphs have impact, how they come to appear meaningful in the first place, or prompt the imagination, it is important to consider approaches where the focus is narrower. We need a map on a finer scale. The earliest European narratives, like the Odyssey, and the earliest novels, like Don Quixote, are journeys, a tradition that continues through the years in works like Conradâs Heart of Darkness and Cormac McCarthyâs The Road. A journey is composed of steps. For a reader, making their own journey into a text, those steps are words. Narratives, of course, need not be word-based at all: as silent film, mime, dance, and graphic novels all attest.
Most of our attention will be given to written texts, often literary, always remembering that oral narratives far predate the invention of writing. We will also bear in mind Wolfgang Iserâs view of literature as a cultural phenomenon occupying a unique intersection, âthe interplay between the fictive, the real and the imaginaryâ (Iser 1993: 2). Yet fiction, besides pointing to âthe real,â has demonstrable effects upon your brain in the very act of conjuring up âthe imaginary.â So to provide the fullest account of a complex process, it is necessary to work with a range of survey tools (from narratological analyses and questionnaires, to brain scans and microscopy). Reading fiction is not only a temporal event, as we take in words, then lines, resolving them into scenes and episodes, but one that takes place at an emotional, rememorative, conceptual, and neurophysiological level.
For this reason, in the course of our investigation, after weâve sketched some fundamentals about the choices available to authors, as they guide us into their invented worlds, we spend some time surveying the terrain of the brain sciencesâsometimes even the physical topography of the brainâto supplement our understanding of narrative imagination from this perspective, which is after all fairly recent: outlining not only where weâre at, currently, but where weâre coming from and where we might be going, as readers and writers; concluding by looking at novelists who have begun to incorporate the findings of cognitive and neuro-science into their own work, in equal measure inspired and awed by the consequences for ideas of free will, consciousness, creativity, and the self.
A multi-level focus on reading is natural here: before we have the experience of a novel, a chapter, a theme, or even an image, we have eyes scanning a page, the remarkable, serial process of reading, and the highly selective stimulation of a vast multimodal âvaultâ of memory and association in the reader.
The use of complementary approaches, and the bookâs later return to discussion of metaphors, characters, and influences, is also an explicit recognition that traditional critiques of stories and literature are indispensable. Close-reading and exegesis not only retain a role, but are enhanced by the science. Hence they form part of the later chapters, shifting the frame, scale, and projection, upward and outward. Sometimes it is most helpful to take such a conceptual view, at others detailed empirical analysis is more appropriate. We need to analyze the soil and the rocks before we can begin to understand the forests and the towering peaks.
So, for the most fundamental questions about how stories âworkâ in a basic sense, we will shift between levels, often relating narrative structures back to the primary act of perusing a text, the comprehension of words, and the neurobiology of doing so.
In some respects, the critical stance here reflects Elaine Auyoungâs analysis of the reading mind, When Fiction Feels Real (2018) where she posits âa new form of critical attention ⌠[that not only] approaches the words of a literary text ⌠as bearers of interpretive meaning, but as cues that prompt readers to retrieve their existing embodied knowledge, to rely on their social intelligence, and to exercise their capacities for learningâ (18). Hence, this book often touches on reader response, how we assimilate the sensory and affective properties of âstoryworlds,â before shifting to more explicit, empirical considerations of readerâs minds through brain organization and function.
Before we can consult these various maps, it is worth enquiring whether the journey is worth the effortâtaking time to consider the significance of story, and narrative more generally in our lives, both as art and as everyday anecdote. As Porter Abbott (2008) has pointed out, our tendency is to think of narrative only in the former, more aggrandized sense, but narrative is the mundane currency of everyday exchange, the bedrock of social relationships, the salve of our pains, and the heart of our humor. It is common to almost all human interactions. As Jim Craceâa novelist considered laterâputs it:
All writers are doing is doing something formally, between hard covers, that all of us do informally as a necessary function of being human beings. We keep on imagining the future and reinventing the past ⌠itâs a necessary function of human consciousness, to be a narrative person. (Interview, Crace 2012: 1)
A logical place for us to start looking at this ânecessary functionâ is by establishing the natural habitat of narratives, beginning with oral storytelling, since that is where it all began.
The Ecology of Story
Recent observations from anthropology begin to explain what it might mean to say that stories are natural phenomena. Observation of storytelling in pre-literate societies may give some idea of humankindâs deep history as a highly social primate: the relationship between talking and fire. Polly Wiessner (2014) gathered information on conversations and their contents, among Ju/hoansi (!Kung) bushmen on the border between Botswana and Namibia. They are a small-scale society that has subsisted largely on foraging: a way of life similar to that of human cultures throughout much of our evolution, and preceding the cultural invention of writing about 5,000 years ago.
Humankind extended the daily time available for social interaction with the use of fire (something we likely have been doing for 400,000 years or more), and the question behind this study was elegantly simple: are fireside hours being used as a mere extension of daytime? From 174 episodes collected over months, the answer became clear. Socializing at night was not âmore of the same,â it was adding something new. Figure 1.1 shows the breakdown of conversation topics during daylight, and at night around the communal fire.
FIGURE 1.1 The ecology of stories. The topics of day and night conversations compared. These data come from Ju/âhoansi (!Kung) bushmen of southern Africa (Botswana and Namibia). From: Wiessner (2014) Embers of society: Firelight talk among the Ju/âhoansi bushmen. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 111:14027â35, Figure 1, used with permission of the journal.
Wiessner found that day conversation is dominated by the practicalities of life: economics, complaints, land-rights, etc.; stories are only 6 percent, leavened with some joking. However at night there was a dramatic change: by far the most common verbal activity was storytelling, and fixation on the daily business of survival fell away. As Wiessner indicates, âFirelit stories centered on conversations that evoked the imagination, helped people remember others in their external networks, healed rifts of the day, and conveyed information about cultural institutionsâ (14027). Both men and women told stories, and Wiessner noted that this often included older individuals who seemed skilled in the art.
She is clear that stories not only entertained but also informed. The quirks and traits of tribe members, such as kin from prior generations, were refreshed and embellished, as were relationships. âNight conversations used multimodal communication with gestures, imitation, sound effects, or bursts of song that brought the characters right to the hearth and into the hearts of listenersâ (14030). Furthermore, they typically were âabout known people and amusing, exciting, or endearing escapades. Storytellers did not praise heroes or moralize; advancing oneself in the moral hierarchy or demoting others was avoided, as was any form of self-promotionâ (14029).
When an anecdote was over, others in the group rehashed details, further embellished, and discussed it. The language of stories tended to be rhythmic, complex, and symbolic, with individuals repeating the last words of phrases or adding affirmations. Frequently, listeners âwere stunned with suspense, nearly in tears, or rolling with laughter; they arrived on a similar emotional wavelength as moods were alteredâ (14029).
These results provide valuable pointers to the issues we will address. For example, Wiessner identifies some key attributes of storytelling: the visible suspense of the listeners; memories brought to life, especially in terms of kin relationships; emotions, moods, and imagination evoked; and behind this, often an implicit âmoralâ or lesson. Thus storytelling (and as we will see, listening and reading) touches on deep cognitive processes as well as having a social rationale. In short, Wiessnerâs study demonstrates the place of oral storytelling in our mental ecology (see also Chapter 3 and Figure 3.1) and suggests its important place in cultural and even biological evolution. Other critics, analyzing casual conversations in so-called developed cultures, have come to similar conclusions: âWe spend 40 percent of our conversational time in spontaneous narrativesâ (Slade 1997: 7âand see also Boyd 2009, on the evolution of stories from play).
The central role of storytelling in the evolution of the human mind has not escaped literary treatment. It is impossible to read the intriguing report by Wiessner and not think of the kind of early human storyteller described in the novel Gift of Stones (see Chapter 2) who almost literally deploys his storytelling prowess as a âprostheticâ after he loses his arm, and hence ensures his practical usefulness in a flint-working tribe.
Wiessnerâs field-based study reminds us that if neuroscience is to play a part in the understanding of stories and literature, it needs input from other fields. This means taking anthropology, psychology, linguistics, and other human sciences seriously, and also attending to the theoretical insights of philosophy. Such a wide-ranging survey inevitably presents challenges in terms of register and tone across disciplines, and on this point it seems best to adhere to the terminology appropriate to each domain, in the belief that multidisciplinary approachesâa variety of mapsâcan take us that much closer to our goal.
Legends and the Scales of Narratological Maps
A fundamental tenet of narratology is that ânarrativeâ and âstoryâ are not necessarily synonymous. Narratologists have made a distinction for years between narrative discourseâhow listeners/readers encounter events in the order the storyteller chooses to deliver them (sometimes called sjuzet)âand story per seâthe underlying chronology, the timeline of events as they would actually have occurred (fabula).1
These twoânarrative discourse and storyâcan be very different. They may run âin phaseâ or âout of phase,â depending on the circumstances of the telling, its style, goals, and audience. Think of the novel Timeâs Arrow (1991), by Martin Amis, in which the story of a life is told from its end backward, inverting cause and effect in the process, or Memento (2000), a film that gives us the narrative of an amnesiac struggling (using tricks) to work backward to a forgotten trauma, a desperate daily pursuit of the self repeatedly witnessed by the viewer and interleaved with flashback sequences.
The field of narratology is a rich and thriving one but is not the main focus here. Rather, the aim is to examine emerging insights into narrative, storytelling, and story reception at least partly from outside the frame of traditional literary criticism, and to summarize and evaluate some of the analytical approaches inspired by neuroscience in a way that is accessible to non-specialists. Our journey will traverse, at various times, the fields of cognitive poetics, cognitive rhetoric, Darwinian literary criticism, and linguistics, as well as so-called hard neuroscience: a daunting itinerary perhaps, but, one that often contains ideas that are eminently graspable, often demonstrable, and always revealing.
For our purposes, a broad working definition of narrative will be usedâone accepted by theorists such as Seymour Chatman and Mieke Balâas the representation of an event or series of events. This allows the greatest latitude for an investigation of biocultural, cognitive, and neuroscientific aspects. As regards fiction, it would encompass historical forms as diverse as myth, epic, legend, saga, romance, allegory, chronicle, satire, drama, short stories, and the novel. Yet the term ânarrativeâ is much larger than story. It also relates to some non-fictionâeven many disciplines traditionally seen as scientific.
Story is ubiquitous. In the words of Richard Kearney (2002), âTelling stories is as basic to human beings as eating. More so, in fact, for while food makes us live, stories are what make our lives worth living. They are what make our condition humanâ (3). That is to say, the act of storytelling is a cognitive channel for meaning-making, allowing us to make sense, not just of our environment, but of our lived experience as it unfolds over time. Stories are, in other words, profoundly useful instruments for understanding the world we find oursel...