Gods on Earth

The Management of Religious Experience and Identity in a North Indian Pilgrimage Centre

Peter van der Veer

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000324570
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Religion

This book is the result of the long interest in Hindu pilgrimage which was encouraged during his study of Sanskrit and Hinduism It provided a detailed historical anthropology of Ayodhya, which argues that religious values can reflect political and economic processes. This is Volume 59 of the London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology.

Appendix 1. Kanak Bhavan, an example of a temple built by a raja

Most of the 100 or so temples built by rajas and zamindars in the British period are now in a pitiful state. The former é1ite is no longer able to afford the considerable expenditure involved in maintaining a temple, paying its personnel and staging worship in a grand style. Take, for example, the so-called Pali temple, built by the widow of Raja Krishnadatta Singh, taluqdār of Pali state in district Sultanpur. The temple was built in 1901 at a cost of 80,000 rupees. An amount of land yielding an annual income of 8,000 rupees was given to the deity. Since the abolition of zamindari the government has paid an annuity of 1,300 rupees to repair damages incurred by the alienation of this property. Bahadur Singh, the grandson of Krishnadatta Singh and present owner of the temple, explained to me that only bare essentials could be paid for from that amount. However, he refused to 'go begging', since he was a Kshatriya who could not ask for financial help. This temple is still in the hands of the family which built it, but many others have surreptitiously fallen into the hands of Ramanandi sadhus or pandas, often with the mute consent of the former gentry which in any case is unable to manage alone. In other cases the rajas are not in a position to do much to oppose the sadhus and pandas who are well entrenched in Ayodhya politics.

Against this background the story of Kanak Bhavan is rather a successful one. The temple and surrounding land were on 23 October 1883 bought from the abbot Lakshmandas for the sum of 3,300 rupees. The temple was in fact a small hut (kuti) which was demolished by the new owner, Maharaja Sir Pratap Singh of Orccha in Bundelkhand. The motivating force behind the building and decoration of the new temple was Pratap Singh's wife, Vrishabhanu Kunvari. She bought land and gave it to the temple as well as fixed deposits amounting to 324,000 rupees in the bank. The decoration of the temple, especially the upper storey which contained the so-called apartments of Ram and Sita, must have cost millions of rupees, if we simply take into account the quantity of precious stones used, Vrishabhanu Kunvari died in 1905; in 1908 the temple was given to a private trust named after her.

The trust has a committee of eleven members who come together at the time of great festivals in Ayodhya, The president, a direct descendant of the raja, has a double vote and may veto new members. Five of the members are from Orccha and the rest from Ayodhya. The temple personnel is from Orccha and the manager of the temple is at the same time the raja's guru, who is, interestingly, a South Indian Brahman belonging to the Krishnaite community of the Pustimarg. In the year October 1981-October 1982 the temple had an expenditure of 324,215.55 rupees and an income of 596,878.44 rupees. Interesting income particulars are: daily offerings (annual), 65,328.15; special offerings, 56,857.85 (this is a very fluctuating income, since in the preceding year it had amounted to 186,000); and annual gifts, the largest being from the owner of the Star papermills in Shaharanpur who gives 21,000 rupees annually, but a large number of people give smaller amounts annually or sometimes larger ones irregularly, as for example the raja of Diggi, who sometimes gives 50,000 rupees.

Except for Hanumangarhi, no temple in Ayodhya attracts as many pilgrims as Kanak Bhavan. This is also the key to its success. While the other temples built by rajas remained of parochial interest to the pilgrimage system of Ayodhya, Kanak Bhavan's very splendour gave it an importance which surpassed its connection with the Orccha family. It spread the fame (kīrti) of the Orccha family by being in particular Ram's temple and not that of Orccha. In this way it had become independent of the vicissitudes of a royal, landholding family in North India.

Appendix 2. Caste temples

The building of temples by and for particular castes is a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Caste consciousness was greatly enhanced by British administrative policies such as the census operations in which Hindus were asked to declare which caste they belonged to. In this period castes began to organize themselves on a regional or even a national level into associations (sabha) to promote the interests of the caste. It is interesting to observe that this modernizing effort on behalf of castes had as its cultural corollary the establishment of caste temples in sacred centres like Ayodhya. Sadhus who originally belonged to a caste were mostly the ones who organized the fundraising and who became officiating priest (pūjāri) and manager in such caste temples. Take, for example, the temple of the Nishad caste (boatmen). In 1917 a Kabirpanthi sadhu of the Nishad caste raised funds among his caste to build a pilgrim lodge in Ayodhya. When the panchāyat of his caste decided to build a temple for Ram and Sita next to the lodge, he, as a Kabirpanthi, opposed that plan, but was removed from his post by a court order. A Ramanandi sadhu of Nishad caste took over his position. This man had for a long time been an itinerant tyagi and took the opportunity of spending the rest of his life in Ayodhya with a secure income provided by his caste.

Although most of these temples cater for low castes, some belong to relatively high and upwardly mobile castes, like the Kayasths. A rich caste like the Marwari is also very active in building temples, but its members are rich enough to build temples which are attractive to Hindu pilgrims in general. The typical Ayodhya caste temple is clearly meant only for members of the caste and not for outsiders (who would not even think of visiting them). An interesting aspect of the caste temples is whether they have a Brahman as an officiating priest (pūjāri) or not. In general, low and untouchable castes have a member of their own caste as pujari, while middle and higher castes have Brahmans or Ramanandi sadhus who are at least dvija, twice-born.

These are the caste temples I observed in Ayodhya:

1. Agarhari Vaishya (shopkeepers)
2. Ayodhyavasi Thater (brassware-sellers)
3. Kalvar (liquor distillers)
4. Kayasth (scribes)
5. Karusha (chair-makers)
6. Kurmi (agriculturalists)
7. Kumhar (potters)
8. Kevat (boatmen)
9. Khatik (fruit-sellers)
10. Gareriya (shepherds)
11. Teli (oil-pressers)
12. Dhobi (washermen)
13. Nai (barbers)
14. Nishad Bans (boatmen)
15. Pathar (garland-makers)
16. Pasi (pig-tenders)
17. Barai (betel-sellers)
18. Barhai (carpenters)
19. Beldar (woodcutters)
20. Rajbhar (labourers)
21. Bhuj (grain-roasters)
22. Bhangi (sweepers)
23. Mali (gardeners)
24. Murai (vegetable-growers)
25. Yadav (milk-sellers)
26. Raidas (subcaste of leather-workers)
27. Loniyam (salt-makers)
28. Lohar (blacksmiths)
29. Sonar (goldsmiths)
30. Halvai (sweet-makers)
31. Barvai Kshatriya (pickpockets)
32. Kori (weavers)
33. Dhiman (traders by boat)
34. Kanhar (water-carriers)
35. Jaiswal (traders)
36. Lodhi (labourers)
37. Shin (subcaste of barbers)

Appendix 3. Rules and regulations of Hanumangarhi

In order to give an impression of the basically democratic character of a Ramanandi akhara it might be interesting to quote here some of Hanumangarhi's rules and regulations:

Rule 4: In the eye of law there are three types of math recognized: 1. Hereditary; 2. Panchayati; 3. Haqabi. Hanumangarhi is a panchayati math. The seat of gaddinashin is not hereditary, not based on guru-chelaparampara (succession of guru and disciple), but all the members (panch) of the akhara appoint a mahant by majority from a patti. The whole responsibility to manage the akhara goes on the shoulders of the panchayat. The panchayat is the owner and manager of the temple. Each member has equal rights and in his turn he has the right to get a share whatsoever.

Rule 5: When mahants of pattis have earned property for the baithak, this property is managed according to the rules of the akhara.

Rule 8: There are three types of panchayat that of the patti, that of the akhara, that of the executive panchayat of the akhara. The rights and duties of the members are given below. All the members of all the jamats constitute the panchayat of a patti. They manage the whole movable and immovable properly and they decide by majority of vote. The mahant of a patti is elected and turned out according to the decision of the members of the patti. Any sadhu of the patti misusing the property of the patti or avoiding the rules, regulations and traditions or violating the fame and honour of the akhara, can be punished or turned out after a decision taken by the patti-panchayat, called for this very purpose. The decision is strictly imposed and obeyed. The mahant of the patti presides over such meetings and if he is absent a president is chosen out of the members. A sadhu thus found guilty may get punishments like termination of mahantship or membership, monetary fine, stoppage of food, lodging.

The panchayat of the akhara is composed of all the sadhus of all the pattis and jamats. It is responsible for the management of the property belonging to the four pattis and for its supervision. This panchayat initiates the gaddinashin and chooses and appoints members for the executive panchayat. It has supreme power, but if any member of the akhara panchayat has any doubt against any member of the executive panchayat in regard to his working or ambitions, he may raise a question in the akhara panchayat and therein a decision is taken after consideration, which the member has to face and accept. Every year in the month of Karttik an account of the akhara is read before the members, who give their decision. The akhara panchayat is ordinarily presided over by the gaddinashin. If absent, the assembly may appoint a president. This executive body is constituted of 24 members of all four pattis, jamats and toks. They appoint a sarpanch (president). The term of the executive panchayat is two years, which can be extended for one year. The members, including the sarpanch, can be reelected. The sarpanch presides and calls the meeting of the executive. He makes suggestions to the members present and gives his ruling on the proposals. All the members of the executive panchayat have to be sworn in before the sarpanch and the sarpanch himself before the gaddinashin. An emergency meeting of the executive can be called for at any time by a request signed by ten members of the executive. This executive has a quorum of sixteen members. All the proposals of a patti panchayat or of the akhara panchayat, if not decided, can be taken for consideration in the executive, where it is decided by majority vote. The sarpanch has the right to decide when the votes are fifty-fifty. Before the term of sarpanchship has ended this position will only be vacant if he dies or resigns or is removed by a majority vote. The decision of the executive supersedes all decisions. The decision of this panchayat is like that of the highest court of the government. Why is such authority given to this body? To maintain the dignity of the institution. The executive can take the following decisions: it can expel any member for his misconduct, it can impose fines, and it can decide litigations between pattis. The first monetary punishment may be of200 rupees, after that it becomes more. A panch or sarpanch may be dismissed if he does not attend three consecutive meetings.

Rule 9: There are some customs regarding the session of an assembly in a baithak. A kotwal gives date and place of the session and makes arrangements for it. The kotwal informs only those members who are present in the asan, because most of the sadhus are wandering in jamat. The decision among the members present is taken to be accepted by all the members of a akhara. If the decision is taken against some member of the akhara a written copy of the decision, signed by the members present at the session, is given into the hands of that member. This paper is called panchnama ...

Rule 10: The property is in the name of the mahant, but it is not his property. He is only the executive of the decisions of the assembled sadhus. The system of choosing a mahant gaddinashin is by selection from a patti, one after the other. The three pattis from which no one will be chosen gather to select someone from the fourth patti. This patti absents itself. This old tradition is strictly observed. The gaddinashin, chosen and seated, would never go out of the boundary of Hanumangarhi of his own accord. He may go out on occasions if the akhara panchayat allows him to do so and then he may go with great pomp and show, befitting his position. In matters of attending courts and offices he sends his mukhtar. The gaddinashin is considered to be the chief in matters of management and religious worship (pūjāpāth). The gaddinashin has a throne (gaddi) before the deity in the verandah facing the deity. After being selected the ceremony of mahanti is performed on this very gaddi, whe...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Note on transliteration
• Preface
• I Ayodhya: Time and Place
• II Problems and Perspectives
• III Devotion and Ascetisicm
• IV The sacred as a profession
• V Conclusion
• Appendix 1 Kanak Bhavan, an example of a temple built by a raja
• Appendix 2 Caste temples
• Appendix 3 Rules and regulations of Hanumangarhi
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Glossary
• Index