1 Many faces of cultural chauvinism
Sometime in the late 1980s, a young North African woman was getting ready to journey to the United States to study. As parents are wont to do, the mother had some final advice for her. âBeware of the horde of American men who will be flocking to propose to you,â the mother cautioned her in Arabic.
âBut why?â she responded. âThere are lots of beautiful women in America.â
âThatâs true,â the mother countered, âbut they have HIV.â
On the streets of Nairobi in 2014, there was a series harassment of young women by men who saw themselves as guardians of African values. The womenâs offense was that they wore revealing attires. As punishment, the thugs stripped them almost naked. Their attires reflected Western values and flouted African decorum, they were admonished.
During the U.S. presidential election campaign in 2016, then candidate Donald Trump vowed to build border walls between the United States and Mexico. The walls are necessary to keep away illegal immigrants, he said repeatedly, because they are responsible for rapes and murders in the United States. That claim resonated among quite a few American voters.
In another era, the U.S. press extensively covered political reforms in post-communist Eastern Europe. Among the challenges the press noted was that of rooting out corruption and cronyism. The Eastern Europeans were beginning to learn that these things have no place in Western values, the Associated Press correspondent declared in a news story.
These cases all have one thing in common: cultural chauvinism. It is the special sense that people have of themselves relative to others, the sense of superiority in the whole or in the particular. As should be evident from the examples above, cultural chauvinism is invariably based on readily discreditable assumptions, myths, and reductive logic. Only a tiny percentage of American women have HIV, immodest dressing by women may well be more African than Western, illegal immigration is not responsible for rapes and murders in the United States, and corruption and cronyism are not at all alien to Western societies. Yet these enduring myths that groups have of their own superiority underpinâor at least compoundâglobal and international conflicts.
The most recognizable and pernicious form of cultural chauvinism is, of course, racism, which is its expression by privileged cultural groups. Yet cultural chauvinism inheres in all cultures, even among the least privileged of nations. The Burmese believe they are superior to the Rohingyas, and vice versa. Rwandaâs Tutsi believe they are superior to the Hutu, and vice versa. Kenyaâs Kikuyu believe they are superior to the Kalenjin, and vice versa. Christians believe their faith is superior to Muslimsâ, and vice versa. Iranians believe their culture is superior to Americaâs, and vice versa. The Chinese believe their political culture is superior to the Westâs, and vice versa. And so on and so forth.
Cultural chauvinism is obviously attitudinal. Yet, it has concreteâsometimes tragicâconsequences. As an enabler of behaviors and policies, it underlies most communal, national, and international conflicts that masquerade as political differences or the quest to control resources. At the minimum, it fertilizes the mind for unprincipled political exploitation. That Muslims regard people of other faith as infidels, for example, is a mindset that Islamists exploit to fan hatred and perpetuate violence against people of other faithâor the lack thereof. And that includes Muslims of a different sect.
Long before it manifests in violence and bloodshed, cultural chauvinism thrives in everyday life. It is regularly on display in the mass media contents that mirror the realities of society.
Early in 2019, a Chinese detergent maker sought to impress potential users by running a commercial in which the detergent bleached an African into a Chinese. The commercial featured an African man and a Chinese woman who seem smitten by each other on first sight. Following exchanges of flirtatious stares, he dashed toward her. But as he closed in for a kiss, she popped a detergent tablet into his mouth and shoved him into a washing machine. When the man re-emerged seconds later, he had been washed into a Chinese manâto her delight; not just his dark brown skin, but his entire physical features.
The commercial set off a row in social media, and the detergent company, as well as the Chinese government, issued apologies. The reality still was that the commercial could only have tapped into ingrained societal attitude. There was no public outrage while the commercial ran for Chinaâs homogeneous native audience. It wasnât until it was posted on YouTube that it triggered wide condemnation. Ironically, studies of the dating preferences of people of various races have consistently shown that Asian men rank last in appeal.1
And then there is this case from a U.S. reality show that specializes in compassionate adjudication of cases. An episode of the court TV program âCaught in Providenceâ featured a recent African immigrant who received a traffic citation. He was evidently apprehensive, as the presiding Judge Frank Caprio asked him the opening question: âDid you make a righthand turn [on a red light]?â As the man began to answer the question, he interrupted himself and asked the judge: âI have a question, sir, am I going to go home from here or am I going to jail? I want to know my fate, sir.â Judge Caprio assured him that he wasnât going to go to jail and subsequently dismissed the case.
Then in his usual commentary after a case, Judge Caprio said:
Every once in a while I am reminded just how fortunate I am to be an American. That was the case today when I was asked this questionâŚ. Now, I have no idea what country Mr. Ohkinalola is from, but apparently, itâs somewhere where there is a real risk of going to jail because of a minor traffic infraction. Well, rest assured Deno, that is not the case here in America. You said you wanted to know your fate. Well, long-term, sir, thatâs up to you. Thankfully, you live in a country where your opportunities are only as limited as your imagination and ambition. So, good luck.
The judgeâs comments are, of course, common fare. However, the defendantâs apprehension most likely resulted from a diametrically opposite reason. The manâs name, Deno Ohkinalola, sounds Nigerian. And Nigeria happens to be a country where traffic rules are violated with impunity. So, it is improbable that his fear of going to prison had anything to do with his experience back home. More likely it was from his sense that American laws are overly strict and their enforcement unforgiving. Much like the other cases, the judgeâs incorrect inference illustrates the impact of cultural chauvinism on interpreting other people.
Ronald Reagan, the U.S. president credited with winning the Cold War for the West, was also known as the great communicator. With his background in acting, he was especially adept at extolling the virtues of American democracy, often with deprecating narratives about communist Soviet Union. One of his jokes to this end wasnât just funny, it also illustrates the exaggerated perception of political differences.
As Reagan narrated it during one of his speeches: An American and a Russian were arguing about their two countries. The American said to the Russian, âIn my country I can walk into the Oval Office. I can pound the presidentâs desk and say Mr. President, I donât like the way you are running our country.â
The Russian said, âI can do that.â
The American asked, âYou can?â
The Russian said: âOf course. I can go to the Kremlin and to the General Secretaryâs office and pound his desk and say, Mr. General Secretary, I donât like the way President Reagan is running his country.â
Reaganâs audience roared in laughter. The joke was on the Soviet Union. Yet, it was premised on a false claim about American democracy. Very few people have the privilege to enter the Oval Office. And anyone who enters and dares to pound the presidentâs desk would be quickly wrestled to the floor and whisked away by secret agents.
But then the joke wouldnât be so stinging if this reality is factored in. It illustrates the essence of cultural chauvinism: the amplificationâor even manufactureâof differences.
This book then is another take on identity discourse. Among the notable recent releases in this regard are Francis Fukuyamaâs Identity2 and Kwame Anthony Appiahâs The Lies That Bind.3 Fukuyamaâs thesis is summarized in the bookâs subtitle, The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment. He draws from this theme to analyze various political challenges around the world. Among them are the ferment in U.S. politics, the Ukrainian civil war, the challenges of creating the European Union, and even Nelson Mandelaâs use of an all-white rugby team to seek to unify South Africans.
Appiah goes further to question the validity of identity claims, persuasively discrediting âreligion, nation, race, class, and culture as sources of identify.â4 He draws inspiration from his own hybrid identity. Not only is he bi-racial (British Ghanaian), but he was imbued with the disparate values of London middle class and Asante aristocracy. To complicate matters, both cultures practice opposite family lineage. The Asante are matrilineal and the English patrilineal. That means, Appiah jokes, that he could tell those who ask that he has âno family at all.â5
In Lies That Bind, Appiah makes the case that such hybridity is commonplace in all pivots of identity claims. âI aim to persuade you that much of our contemporary thinking about identity is shaped by pictures that are in various ways unhelpful or just plain wrong,â6 he writes.
The goal of this book is to demonstrate how the âpicturesâ are perpetuated regardless of their validity and consequences. What it offers uniquely is an exposition on the culturally chauvinistic dimensions of identity claims. It covers such claimsâin their explicit and implicit dimensionsâby everyday people, academics, diplomats, statesmen, and especially journalists in their coverage of world affairs.
Overtly offensive expressions of cultural chauvinism, such as the Chinese detergent commercial, stir outrage from time to time. This book goes beyond that to show the various and routine ways that cultural chauvinism is expressed without so much as eliciting raised eyebrows. The book shows too that even when such expressions donât offend, they underlie consequential behaviors and policies.
Special case of Western values
Another important feature of this book is that it uses the notion of Western values as the pivot. Its centrality in global politics and contestations makes it the most consequential expression of cultural chauvinism. Appiah writes in this regard of âthe multiple mistakes we make about our broader cultural identities, not the least the very idea of the Westâ and of âthe temptation to imagine that peopleâs origins make them either inheritors of, or outsiders to, Western civilization.â7
The corollary to Appiahâs concern is that other cultures tend to express their cultural chauvinism in relation to âWestern values.â Either they are a part of it or they are the antithesis. As with the claim to Western exceptionalism, the counter-claims also manifest ambivalence and contradictions.
For a quick illustration, here is a press contestation that encapsulates the complexity. On April 10, 2013, the Singaporean daily The Straits Times published a letter to the editor in which one Dr. George Wong Seow Choon lamented the debasing effects of âWestern values.â He was commenting on a story in an earlier issue of the paper about a rising incidence of abuse of healthcare workers.
âPart of the reason is that many of our children are now brought up by maids, and they lack the strong cultural milieu to cultivate codes of good conduct,â he wrote. He reminisced about his own upbringing during which he was imbued with Confucian values and good character, and blamed the West for the erosion of those values. âNow, some affluent, Westernised Singaporeans throw litter, abuse nurses and are road bullies,â he wrote. âFortunately, they are a minority, but nevertheless, ...