Resourcing Inclusive Education
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About This Book

While resource provision is widely recognized as an essential element of successful inclusive education, this is the first time an entire book has been dedicated to the topic. In this volume leading experts address international perspectives on funding models, the role of resources, and the development of professionals for the implementation of effective inclusive education.
Split into two parts, the first section of the book addresses funding challenges that have emerged following the implementation of an inclusive school system. The authors present a broad range of international perspectives on different funding models and collate evidence from a variety of countries. They also unearth a variety of perceptions regarding resourcing for successful implementation of inclusive education. In the second part of the book, the authors focus on international perspectives of teacher training and professional development for inclusive education, ranging from early childhood education to post-secondary teacher training.
Providing critical information and empirical studies, valuable to all of those engaged in the endeavour of providing adequate resources to support inclusive education, this volume is of interest to education policy makers, school and system leaders, and economists.

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Yes, you can access Resourcing Inclusive Education by Janka Goldan, Jennifer Lambrecht, Tim Loreman, Janka Goldan,Jennifer Lambrecht,Tim Loreman, Janka Goldan, Jennifer Lambrecht, Tim Loreman in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Education & Inclusive Education. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.

Information

Year
2021
ISBN
9781800434585

SECTION 1

FUNDING AND RESOURCING INCLUSIVE EDUCATION

A WINNING FORMULA? FUNDING INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN IRELAND

Joanne Banks

ABSTRACT

Increasingly, countries around the world are reforming their traditional ‘special educational needs’ funding models, many of which contradict the overarching principles of inclusive education as set out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with a Disability (UNCRPD). There is growing awareness across countries that the way education systems are financed directly shapes the extent to which schools can be inclusive. Spiralling costs have also influenced governments who have begun calling for ‘cost control’ and greater transparency and accountability in how resources are distributed and monies are spent. In Ireland, calls for a more equitable resource model for students with disabilities in mainstream education resulted in the introduction of a new system of funding which removed the need for diagnosis to receive supports. However, since ratification of the UNCRPD in 2018, Ireland's system of special education is being considered for full reform with the possibility of moving to a system of inclusive education and the removal of special schools and classes. This raises the question: can two separate funding streams, one for general education and one for special education ever exist in an inclusive system? Having one funding model for all students, although the logical choice, is the source of much concern among parents and disability advocates, many of whom fear it will lead to children with disabilities ‘falling through the cracks’ and used by government as a mechanism to reduce spending overall.
Keywords: Inclusive education; funding systems; school autonomy; Universal Design for Learning

INTRODUCTION

Internationally, inclusive education policy stresses that all learners of any age should have the right to a meaningful, high-quality education in their local school alongside their peers (European Agency, 2015, 2019). A key principle of inclusive education is that school is an environment where students with disabilities engage on an equal basis to their peers, where they can reach their potential and be accepted (Sharma, Furlonger, & Forlin, 2019). Article 24 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD; UN, 2006) has meant that for the 181 countries, inclusive education is now a legally binding obligation. The ‘reform journey’ (de Bruin, 2019) or the transition from special education to inclusive education is complex, varies from country to country and, for many, the right to an inclusive, quality education remains ‘unfinished business’ (Slee, 2019, p. 7). In Ireland, the special education ‘sector’ is currently in a state of flux. Students with disabilities can attend either mainstream schools, special classes in mainstream schools or special schools. Two separate funding streams exist, one for general education and another for special education. Recently, however, demands for a more equitable funding model for students with disabilities in mainstream education led to the introduction of a new system of resource allocation. Significantly, the new model removed the need for diagnosis or ‘labelling’ of students to receive supports and devolved much of the decision-making power around resources to schools. Just a couple of months after its introduction however, Ireland ratified the UNCRPD which refocused attention on the continued use of special classes and special schools as a form of provision. Public consultation is now underway about whether Ireland can move to a fully inclusive system thus removing the need for specialized provision. This chapter examines this time of transition and change in Ireland as it begins its ‘reform journey’ towards inclusive education. Using Article 24 of the UNCRPD as a framework, it examines current funding structures and raises the question: can two separate funding streams, one for general education and one for special education ever exist in an inclusive system? Using Ireland's new funding model as an example, the chapter explores the key characteristics of inclusive funding models and highlights the need for systemic reform where schools can provide resourced mainstream provision with meaningful inclusion of all students regardless of their levels of need.

EDUCATION FUNDING MODELS: POLICY AND PRACTICE

How education systems are financed is just one part of these structural reforms but thought to directly influence the extent to which inclusive education can be realized (European Agency, 2016a, 2016b; OECD, 2012; UNESCO, 2009). Funding mechanisms influence school-level decision-making about how students with disabilities are identified and often labelled (Ebersold, Watkins, Óskarsdóttir, & Meijer, 2019). The UNCRPD makes explicit that governments should create:
…a funding model that allocates resources and incentives for inclusive educational environments to provide the necessary support to persons with disabilities (GC No. 4 to Article 24, p. 22)
Despite these policy developments, it is generally accepted that the way funding is provided can incentivize the placement of some students in separate educational settings such as special classes or special schools (Slee, 2019). Furthermore, many countries continue to operate a dual funding system of general and special education with many reporting dramatic increases in the amount spent on these supports each year (Graham & Sweller, 2011; Jahnukainen, 2011; Parrish et al., 2003). To date, much of the research in this area has assumed the continuation of dual funding and focussed on the most equitable way to resource students with disabilities in mainstream education (Banks, Frawley, & McCoy, 2015; Engstrøm Graversen, 2015; Goldan, 2019; Gubbels, Coppens, & De Wolf, 2017; Jahnukainen, 2011; Parish & Bryant, 2015; Pijl, 2016; Pulkkinen & Jahnukainen, 2016; Sharma, Forlin, & Furlonger, 2015). Debates have tended to examine the pros and cons of input, throughput or output funding, the value of categorical versus general funding or whether to have a centralized or national funding model as compared to a district, local authority or school-level system of support. There is some agreement that input funding, where individual students or their parents receive funding or resources based on a specific weighted category of disability, is based on the medical model of disability and therefore problematic. This type of support is, however, often favoured by students and their parents as it guarantees the resources that they were assigned (Goldan, 2019; Lamb, 2009). With increases in the numbers of students with disabilities in mainstream schools over the last two decades, various stakeholders expressed concerns over this funding model mainly due to spiralling costs, the need to label and diagnose students to access support, the waiting time to access supports, as well as the associated inequities with the categorical nature of this type of funding (Engstrøm Graversen, 2015; Topping & Maloney, 2005).
Other funding models have since been introduced such as school- or area-level funding (known as throughput funding) where central governments allocate base funding to schools or local authorities who are responsible for how funding is spent and resources allocated (Pulkkinen & Jahnukainen, 2016; Sharma et al., 2015). More recently, some governments have modified their input or throughput models to include outcome-based funding which is based on student performance in school (EASNIE, 2016a, 2016b). Increasingly, countries are adopting a combination of methods in an attempt to counter the negative aspects of each approach (Jahnukainen, 2011; Sharma et al., 2015). Some are moving to a combination of bounty (where resources are linked to a diagnosis) and base funding with others shifting to base funding only. There remains little consensus however with little evidence pointing to the value of one system over another.

FUNDING INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN IRELAND

Special education in Ireland is in a state of flux. In line with most other European countries, the Irish education system aims to be inclusive (NCSE, 2014, 2019), and over the past 15 years there has been significant policy development (national and international) in the area of disability and special education (Government of Ireland, 2004, 2005; NCSE, 2006, 2011, 2014, 2019; UN, 2006; UNESCO, 1994). Introduced in 2004, the Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs (EPSEN) Act is now considered a landmark document as it broadened the definition of special educational needs beyond medical disability categories (NCSE, 2006) and subsequently changed the profile and in particular the level of diversity in mainstream classrooms (Banks & McCoy, 2011). Over the past 15 years, the prevalence of students with disabilities increased and is currently estimated to be between 25 and 27% or 1 in 4 of the school population (Banks & McCoy, 2011; Cosgrove et al., 2014). Although not all students with disabilities require supports, there has been a consistent increase in the amount spent on special education which has brought with it increasing levels of scrutiny from government (DPER, 2017, 2019). In line with spending patterns internationally, during Ireland's economic recession, spending on special education increased. The EASNIE (2016a, 2016b) suggests that these patterns may reflect the tendency by education systems to label learners for the purpose of accessing supports rather than an increasing investment in inclusive education systems (EASNIE, 2016a, 2016b, 2018b; Soriano, Watkins, & Ebersold, 2017). In an attempt to understand these increases, Ireland's Department of Public Expenditure and Reform (DPER) has carried out two reviews of spending on special education in recent years. They (DPER, 2017, 2019) highlighted a dramatic rise in the cost of special education over time with a 52% increase between 2011 and 2019, from €465 million to €1.9 billion representing 19% of the Department of Education's budget (DPER, 2019). Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the report was the finding that spending on special education was higher than that spent on higher education (€1.58 billion) (DPER, 2017). The pressure to curb spending has been the source of much debate on whether the system is simply playing catch-up of years of under-resourcing or if it is over-spending in the area of resource allocation for students with disabilities in mainstream schools (Banks & McCoy, 2017).

Special Schools and Classes

In line with patterns of provision internationally (Graham & Sweller, 2011; Le Laider & Prouchandy, 2012), and despite the significant investment in special education in mainstream education, the number of students attending special schools in Ireland had not decreased but remained static (DPER, 2017). Furthermore, there has been significant investment in a model of special class provision over the last decade with a particular focus on the provision of classes or ‘units’ for students with a diagnosis of autism. Despite the lack of evidence that special classes are the optimum setting for all students who are placed in these settings (Banks et al., 2016; McCoy et al., 2014), there are now over 1,600 special classes in early childhood education, primary schools and secondary schools. Between 2011 and 2019, there was a 91% increase in special education teachers at primary level and a 190% increase at secondary level (DPER, 2017). It is worth noting, however, that these ...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Series Editor
  3. Title
  4. Copyright
  5. Contents
  6. About the Authors
  7. About the Editors
  8. Series Introduction
  9. Introduction: Janka Goldan, Jennifer Lambrecht and Tim Loreman
  10. Section 1 Funding and Resourcing Inclusive Education
  11. Section 2 Professional Development for Inclusive Education
  12. Index