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The Call to See
I am invisible, understand, simply because people refuse to see me.
âRalph Ellison, Invisible Man
The Call to See
On the rainy afternoon of February 1, 1968, two young African American men stepped out from the back of a city garbage truck and onto the suburban Memphis street. Hearing the truck pull up in front of her home, a White woman watched absentmindedly from her kitchen window as they loaded the trash inside the giant compactor. Suddenly she was startled to attention by the sound of screams and banging from outside, and she watched in horror as the two menâfirst one, and then the otherâwere pulled into the compactor and crushed to death in front of her eyes. In an interview with authorities later that night, she said, âIt looked like the big thing just swallowed him.â
The two men, Robert Walker, 29, and Echol Cole, 35, were part of an unseen generation of African American men who, fleeing the perpetual poverty and foreclosed opportunity of the farms of the Deep South, had come to Memphis in search of work. Their hope was that Memphis, the swinging city built on the bluffs of the Mississippi River, would provide the opportunity for a different sort of life than that offered by the endless expanse of the surrounding Delta. When they arrived in Memphis, however, most of these men found their conditions little changed. As in the Delta, the jobs typically available to African American men were the most physically difficultâstorm and drainage work, street and asphalt repair, and trash pickup. And these jobs provided the least economic security. Almost all of these African American men were contract employees who started at $1.27 per hour, unpaid on days when weather prevented their work, and without any form of protection from the caprice of the supervisors who oversaw them. In spite of their hopes and labor, the poverty and diminished opportunity of the farms they fled were waiting for them in the city.
This was the lot of Robert Walker and Echol Cole, and also of the nearly 1,500 other men who worked alongside them in the cityâs sanitation department. On an average morning, in heat and in cold, these men would wake before dawn and walk or catch a ride to the lot where the cityâs garbage trucks were parked. As White supervisors slid behind the wheel of the truck, the African American men held on to the sides or, in the event of rain or snow, sat in the back with the trash. Stopping in front of homes, the African Americans would climb out and begin to pick up the bins of trash. These bins, typically lidless cans sitting open in the rain or sun, were filled with rotting, liquefying trash. Shouldering the bins, water and filth would spill over the sides or out of holes in the bottom and drip into their hair and down their backs as the men dumped the trash into the truck. At dayâs end, because the sanitation department provided neither uniforms nor showers, the men left for home in the same filthy clothing in which they had worked all day. Because of this, they were unable to ride in cars or to take public transportation. They walked, in heat and in cold, to their homes where they would wait on their porches while family members hosed them down and picked maggots from their hair.
No one knows exactly how Robert Walker and Echol Cole were pulled into the trash compactor that day. The most likely account is that after dumping the trash into the back of the truck, they sought shelter from the rain and climbed in as well. Somehow the internal wires short-circuited, starting the compactor with the men inside. But these are speculations. So much about that day was, as the witness said, simply swallowed.
What is clear, however, is that at the news of their deaths the anger of the sanitation workersâlong simmering over their poor working conditions, poverty wages, and lack of negotiating powerâbegan to boil over. In a matter of days, 1,300 sanitation workers went on strike. Every day for nearly two months they gathered at Clayborn Temple, the historic African Methodist Episcopal church in downtown Memphis. There they listened to the Reverend James Lawson, one of the architects of nonviolent resistance in the civil rights movement, remind them of their ineradicable dignity, the rightness of demanding civic recognition of that dignity, the necessity of nonviolence, and the transformative power of love. Then they rose from the pews, stepped through Clayborn Templeâs arched doorways, lined up, and made their way up Beale Street and down Main Street to city hall, just over a mile away.
As in many cities marked by protest, the leaders of Memphis sought to obscure the nature of this cause. Some characterized the protest as simply a ploy launched by Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders to stir up trouble and gain attention. Others characterized it as a movement of violence launched by Black nationalists aiming to seize control of the city. Still others characterized it as a strategy of northern union leaders to extend their reach and enrich their organizations by establishing new labor unions in the South. But for the protestors themselves, the meaning of the cause was very simple: the truth of their own humanity. They came together, in defiance of American racism, and demanded to be seen and treated as human beings. Proof could be found in the signs that the protestors printed in the basement of Clayborn Temple and carried with them as they marched: a plain white background with four simple words in black:
I AM A MAN
These signs immediately became icons of the long African American struggle against racism in America, and remain so to this day. These signs were both a confrontation and a calling. With devastating simplicity, they confronted American racism, its multigenerational refusal to recognize the full humanity of enslaved Africans and their descendants, and the ways in which this racist refusal takes social and economic form. And yet in another respect, these signs called to America; they called America to renounce its racist blindness and to view African Americans in terms of their full humanity. They were, in other words, a call to see.
Ways of Seeing Racism
We have encountered many people struggling to answer this call, laboring daily to see the truth about American racism and the way it shapes both our individual and common lives. This is not true of everyone, of course. In every community, some are deeply resistant to seeing the truth about American racism and resistant to the vulnerability that this seeing entails. Even so, all across the United Statesâin churches in Memphis, college campuses in Georgia, auditoriums in Pennsylvania, dinner tables in Washington, DC, and cocktail bars in Charlottesvilleâwe have encountered people who want both to see the truth about American racism and to respond redemptively.
Over time, however, we have noticed that while many people are concerned with racism in America and are committed to engaging it, few have thought deeply about the role of reparations. While many Americans see the reality of racism, they see it in ways thatâwhile substantively true and ethically importantâare not yet robust enough to lead to the work of reparations. Many of us need a different way of seeing race in America, one that makes reparations not only plausible but inevitable. The task of what follows is twofold: First, we explore three dominant ways of seeing American racism and the responses to which each of them inclines. Second, we gesture toward a different way of seeing American racismâto be more fully developed in chapters 2 and 3âthat serves as the foundation of this work.
Racism as Personal Prejudice
In 2016, African American social commentator Heather McGhee was a guest on C-SPANâs Washington Journal. McGhee, then president of Demos, a âthink-and-doâ tank that focuses on equitable democratic reform, was invited to discuss the role of progressive politics in the 2016 presidential election, then underway. During the call-in portion of the show, a White man from North Carolina spoke to McGhee with unusual candor about his own racism. Introducing himself, he simply said, âIâm a White male and I am prejudiced.â Given our cultural moment, upon hearing these words one might have expected either for this man to launch a fleet of justifications for his racism or for McGhee to shame him for it. However, neither did so. For his part, the man began simply to talk about his fears. For her part, rather than rolling her eyes or turning away, McGhee looked directly into the camera and gave this man her full attention. As she did so, he said something almost wholly unexpected: âWhat can I do to change, you know, to be a better American?â Upon hearing these words, she closed her eyes, gathered herself in kindness, and spoke directly to the camera:
In the following days a video of the exchange began to show up on Facebook pages, Twitter feeds, and other media outlets. Some viewers responded with contempt for the man, the ignorant southern racist who had the gall to ask an African American woman to help him with his racism. Others responded with criticism of McGhee, accusing her of coddling a fragile White man who should have been confronted instead. But many responded with something like gratitudeâthanking both of them for showing us something that we rarely see: the willingness to have a painful conversation with both honesty and mutual care.
Embedded in this manâs question is a particular way of seeing American racism. Specifically, seeing racism as a form of personal prejudice, as a disposition of the heart and mind. In this view, racism is largely understood as a set of individual perspectives, attitudes, and biases that shape how we valueâor devalueâhuman beings. As McGhee noted, one of the common humiliations of our inheritance is that each of us bears prejudicial judgments against other people because of the color of their skin and the cultural heritage that this color suggests.
But if racism is a heart issue, then what must we do to address it? Throughout American history, the answer to this question has been relatively straightforward: change the heart. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, anti-racist activists and abolitionists developed strategies aimed at just this sort of change. Through tracts, multiracial speaking tours, and other literature, they sought to reshape the racist heart of Americans. During the early twentieth century, the writers and artists of the Harlem Renaissance continued this work by creating works designed to confront the racist blindness of White America and to help America, in the words of Langston Hughes, âsee how beautiful I am and be ashamed.â
In our own time, this work of dispositional change continues in families, churches, and schools. In each of these initiatives, across the centuries, the goal has in many respects been the same: to weaken the malignant power of American racism by transforming the dispositions of the heart and mind.
In the Christian tradition, the language for this deep internal change is personal repentance, a sacred dimension of the Christian vision of the moral life. We have seen many Christiansâincluding ourselvesâtake up this work of repentance with respect to racism. And rightly so. In the Christian tradition, personal prejudice is a form of violence that harms the other by denying their God-given dignity. Seeing these prejudicial dispositions in the heart, the Christian begins the long, renunciative work of uprooting them from the heart and rebuilding new dispositions in their place. This is essential work, and we ourselves are deeply committed to it. Even so, this particular way of seeing racism as a personal prejudice that chiefly requires the work of personal repentance is not the complete picture.
Racism as Relational Division
In 1994, Spencer Perkins and Chris Rice published a book that became something of a sensation in the American church. The book, More Than Equals: Racial Healing for the Sake of the Gospel, was an extended treatment of both the necessity and practicality of living in cross-racial relationships as a way of bearing witness to the reconciling power of God. Perkins, the son of legendary African American civil rights activist John Perkins, and Rice, a northern White Mennonite who lived in an intentional interracial community in Jackson, Mississippi, stood side by side on the cover, and the book was heralded as âliving proof that white and black Christians can live together.â At the heart of their argument was the claim that the Christian church in America desperately needed to transcend a debilitating contradiction in its life: being a community of reconciliation that contributes to a culture of social estrangement.
Writing in the early 1990s, they recognized a phenomenon that is easily recognizable in our own day. Though America has legally renounced segregation, we nonetheless remain profoundly segregated along racial lines. And the church itselfâthe community created to bear witness to the reconciling power of Godâremains deeply segregated. For Rice and Perkins, the work of developing cross-raci...