Public diplomacy, along with soft power issues, has become one of the most discussed topics in world politics and, in particular, in the theory of diplomacy. Both theoretical issues and the practice of using public diplomacy in various countries [see, e.g., The New Public Diplomacy ⌠, 2005], including Russia [see, e.g., Simons, 2014], are studied. Public diplomacy is becoming an integral part of world politics, and its analysis makes it possible to better understand both world politics itself and the foreign policy of various countries. However, public diplomacy is understood in different ways. Russia is no exception in this regard.
Public diplomacy deals with the influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies ⌠encompasses dimensions of foreign relations beyond traditional diplomacy, the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with those of another.2
A similar definition is given by the US Department of State: âPublic diplomacy refers to government-sponsored programs intended to inform or influence public opinion in other countries; its chief instruments are publications, motion pictures, cultural exchanges, radio and televisionâ [Dictionary ⌠, 1987].
In turn, the book edited by Snow and Taylor describes public diplomacy as the impact of one state on the society of another (other) state [Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy, 2008]. A close definition is given by the Russian researcher A. V. Dolinskiy. He proposes to understand public diplomacy as a means by which the government of one country tries to influence the society of another so that it, in turn, affects its government [Dolinskiy, 2013a]. Thus, in fact, the definition of public diplomacy as the impact of the state on the societies of foreign countries has become widespread.
From the previous definitions it follows that, first, public diplomacy is an activity carried out or directed by the state, and second, the channels for implementing public diplomacy can be twofold: through officials (e.g., a representative of a state department to hold a press conference for foreign journalists) and through non-state actors (nongovernmental organizations [NGOs], universities, theaters, etc.) [Lebedeva, 2017b]. The main emphasis, however, is often placed on non-state actors.
Initially, US public diplomacy was focused on countering communist propaganda. In this regard, American scholars usually contrasted public diplomacy with the activities of the USSR in the international arena. In the 1990s, interest in public diplomacy declined significantly, since the end of the collapse of the USSR gave rise to the illusion of the end of any significant value contradictions in the world, which was most clearly reflected in Fukuyamaâs article on the end of history [1989]. The beginning of the 21st century was marked by the revival of public diplomacy in the world. In many ways, the United States initiated this revival. There are several reasons for the new stage in the development of public diplomacy. First of all, the terrorist attacks of 9/11 showed that the value contradictions in the world have not disappeared. The reaction of many people in the Middle East to the attacks on 9/11 made clear that millions of people had a negative perception of US policy. Obviously, it was impossible to correct the negative image of the United States only by means of traditional diplomacy. To solve this problem, representatives of the American elite again turned to the means of public diplomacy. Therefore, having experienced a decline in the 1990s under the influence of the illusion of âthe end of historyâ, public diplomacy was revived with renewed vigor after the tragedy of 9/11 [Melissen, 2005; Dolinskiy, 2011a].
At the same time, at the beginning of the 21st century, other reasons for turning to the tools of public diplomacy are directly due to the processes of transformation of the political organization of the world, especially the Westphalian system. Thus, the development of communication and information technologies has led to a sharp intensification of interaction between people in the world beyond their national borders. As a result, non-state actors entered the world arena en masse and joined public diplomacy as its subjects and objects.
In the 21st century, not only has the number of non-state actors in the world increased significantly [Gotz, 2011], but their interaction with states also increased. Social and humanitarian resources are increasingly being used by states to influence foreign audiences. Finally, Nyeâs concept of soft power, centered on the idea of attractiveness [1990], played its role in the revival of public diplomacy.
New public diplomacy and propaganda
New realities of the 21st century â the development of communication and information technologies; a sharp surge in the activity of non-state actors due to the opportunities that these technologies have opened up; blurred boundaries between internal and external information spaces, etc. â all led to the creation of a new public diplomacy, the name of which has been fixed in scientific research [see, e.g., The New Public Diplomacy ⌠, 2005; Cull, 2009]. In addition, public diplomacy has become widespread outside the United States: it covers almost all countries of the world, including Russia.
New phenomena have also appeared in public diplomacy. If earlier public diplomacy was considered as a means of only the state, nowadays public diplomacy is becoming a means of influence of international organizations and unions. Melissen wrote in 2005 that public diplomacy is developing. And in the modern world, the European Union and the UN are successfully demonstrating the capabilities of supranational public diplomacy in action [Melissen, 2005].
One more important point characterizes the modern new public diplomacy: it involves not just influencing the society of another state, but also interacting with it, that is, through dialogue [Melissen, 2005]. An indication of dialogue as a distinctive feature of public diplomacy is also contained in the study by Russian authors Kornilov and Makarychev, who write, âsoft power is not a unilateral tool to coerce others and in this respect it differs from hard power or propagandaâ [2015, p. 239].
The manifestation of this dialogue is observed through the official and unofficial channels of the implementation of public diplomacy. It is no accident that social networks have developed rapidly in the framework of public diplomacy. Of course, there are many examples of public diplomacy where such a dialogue is absent. But then the question arises about its effectiveness in modern conditions.
As an attribute of public diplomacy, it is also indicated that traditional diplomacy was characterized by the interaction between the state and society (government to people, or G2P), while the new diplomacy was the interaction between people from different countries (people to people, or P2P) [Snow, 2010]. In addition, such a characteristic of new public diplomacy as the use of network interaction openness is noted [Zaharna, 2007].
Due to the emergence of the concept of soft power, public diplomacy has become seen as a tool of soft power and in this sense has become a counter to propaganda [see, e.g., The New Public Diplomacy ⌠, 2005]. However, propaganda, as well as public diplomacy, involves influencing the audience. Thus, Jowett and OâDonnel emphasize that propaganda and be...