1 Conceptualising key terms and their links
Maladaptation, adaptation, mitigation, environmental migration, gender and justice
Introduction
Maladaptation in the context of climate change is a concept that has been little engaged with or understood outside the literature on geography, but is a key focus in this book, both in its links with climate change solutions and other key terms introduced in this overview. In 2010, geographers Jon Barnett and Saffron OâNeill in their seminal article, âMaladaptationâ, defined it âas an action taken ostensibly to avoid or reduce vulnerability to climate change that impacts adversely on, or increases the vulnerability of other systems, sectors or social groupsâ (Barnett & OâNeill 2010, p. 211). As âone of the earliest attempts to systematically conceptualise maladaptationâ (Juhola et al. 2016, p. 135), Barnett and OâNeill (2010) developed a typology of five pathways through which maladaptation can arise. In the absence of, or relative to, other alternatives, they suggest maladaptation arises when actions: â(1) increase emissions of greenhouse gases, (2) disproportionately burden the most vulnerable, (3) have high opportunity costs, (4) reduce incentives to adapt, and (5) set paths that limit the choices available to future generations [path dependency]â (Barnett & OâNeill 2010, p. 211).
Following this early attempt, others have joined in developing conceptual and practical resources to analytically strengthen and operationalise the concept, notably Magnan et al. (2016), in offering various frameworks to assess the risk of maladaptation through several dimensions. Their research of the current theoretical literature on maladaptation and practice-oriented insights from specific case studies âshows that maladaptation is fundamentally a process that is influenced by multiple drivers and involves various temporal and spatial scalesâ (Magnan et al. 2016, p. 662). The chapter analyses in this book on both adaptation (Chapter 3) and mitigation (Chapter 4) policies confirm this; that is, not only can todayâs adaptation policy lead to tomorrowâs maladaptation, so too can mitigation. Magnan et al. (2016) thus make a broad call for âstarting with the intention to avoid mistakes and not lock-in detrimental effects of adaptation-labelled initiatives ⌠thus advocates for the anticipation of the risk of maladaptation to become a priority for decision makers and stakeholders at large, from the international to the local scalesâ (Magnan et al. 2016, p. 646).
However, it is Juhola et al.âs (2016) redefinition of maladaptation that captures this bookâs understanding of maladaptation, gained through desk-based conceptual research and empirical insights from an in-country study conducted in Indonesia in 2014â2015 investigating the impacts of the global United Nations Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (UN-REDD+) mitigation programme on customary communities, women specifically at the local project level. That is, âmaladaptation could be defined as a result of an intentional adaptation [mitigation] policy or measure directly increasing vulnerability for the targeted and/or external actors(s), and/or eroding preconditions for sustainable development by directly increasing societyâs vulnerabilityâ (Juhola et al. 2016, p. 2649). While all three definitions âacknowledge that maladaptation occurs when there are negative feedbacks that increase vulnerabilityâ (Juhola et al. 2016), and all present typologies or frameworks to operationalise maladaptation emerging from adaptation actions, measures and/or policies, these frameworks for assessing maladaptation are exclusive to adaptation actions and not mitigation â the other side of the policy coin in climate change solutions that is explored herein.
This book then applies the maladaptation schemata, specifically Barnett and OâNeillâs (2010) typology to mitigation policy, the Kyoto Protocolâs Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and, in so doing, agrees with Work et al. (2019) who âtake a critical approach to the concept of mitigation and invoke the term maladaptation to intervene into the persistent optimism of policy driven solutionsâ (Mosse 2005, cited in Work et al. 2019, p. 51). Additionally, these authors in following Taylor (2015, cited in Work et al. 2019), âsuggest that adaptation to climate change includes a broad array of institutional practices, discourses and policies and includes any and all activities created in the context of managing a changing climate (mitigation projects, for example)â (Work et al. 2019, p. 51). This modification opens up and positions mitigation under the critical lens of maladaptation which, following a detailed analysis of the CDM, presents a range of alternative policies obscured in the status quo of neoliberal market environmentalism shaping existing climate change solutions, or what some have called âcarbon capitalismâ (Maxton-Lee 2018, 2020; Osborne 2018). Indeed, the âgendered silent offset economyâ discussed in Chapter 5 emerges from and is rooted in the asymmetrical power relations central to âaccumulation by decarbonisationâ (Bumpus & Liverman 2008). That is, carbon capitalismâs ânewâ site of accumulation found in the solutions to climate change.
Key terms, concepts and their links to maladaptation: environmental migration, climate change solutions (adaptation and mitigation), gender and justice
The following pages in this conceptual overview introduce other key terms and concepts, in addition to maladaptation, as they are used, understood and interlinked in this book, including environmental migration, climate change solutions, gender and justice. Climate change solutions are messy, but what unites these concepts is embedded in the bookâs key, macro-level question that shapes and defines its normative thrust: What is the basis of just adaptation and mitigation policies that can be adopted by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) once these have been subsumed within a global carbon market framework? Adopting a dual methodological framework (Chapter 2) using desk-based conceptual research, underscored by a critical analytic method and supplemented with feminist qualitative research in Indonesia in 2014â2015, maladaptation is used as a conceptual intervention to critique the solutions to climate change, adaptation and mitigation policies directed under the UNFCCC, where the analysis shows that market solutions to climate change framed and âsaturated in neoliberal ideasâ (Hall 2011, p. 23) are manufacturing maladaptation, thus giving rise to the injustice of maladaptation, addressed in the final chapter of this book.
The analysis of adaptation and mitigation shows the neoliberal framing of climate change projects is not dissimilar to past agrarian policies and âdevelopment-as-usualâ projects (Maxton-Lee 2018, 2020; Vigil 2015, 2018; Work et al. 2019); findings congruent with those found in the Indonesian study. The upshot of Chapter 4âs theoretical traverse in âMitigation and the Kyoto CDMâ (and, which may serve as a cautionary warning for its successor, the new mitigation mechanism established under Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement (UNFCCC Paris Agreement 2015)), leaves us with an international crediting mechanism meant to mitigate, but distinguishes itself in leading to maladaptation through all five pathways.
Cames et al.âs (2016) comprehensive analysis of the CDM âsuggests that the CDM still has fundamental flaws in terms of overall environmental integrity. It is likely that the large majority of the projects registered and CERs [Certified Emission Reductions] issued under the CDM are not providing real, measurable and additional emission reductionsâ (Cames et al. 2016, p. 11). Lacking in both environmental integrity and sustainable development, the dual objectives of the CDM, gives rise to a more serious question of, âhow then is adaptation to adapt to mitigation actions that have led to maladaptation?â The circularity of this question looks suspiciously similar to Sir Crispin Tickell (in Lovelock 2006, p. xiii) when pointing out Lovelockâs summation of Gaia in a time of climate change: âwe are currently trapped in a vicious circle of positive feedback. What happens in one place very soon affects what happens in others.â
Environmental migration
An early focal point of this book, now discarded in its end point only, envisaged maladaptation arising from climate change solutions as a specific and dynamic driver of environmentally induced migration, potentially worthy of its own category, alongside those defining environmentally induced migration and displacement (Bronen 2009; Morinière 2009).1 As two of the anonymous reviewers for this bookâs proposal correctly noted, âclimate migration has reached a certain maturity as a field with pluralism in approachesâ, while the otherâs main point of concern centred on âthe invention of (yet another) term for human mobility in an area of research rife with terminology: environmental migration/displacement, environmentally-induced migration/displacement, disaster displacement, climigration, trapped populations, and I am certain more terms that I have omitted hereâ. It was added that such a focal point could detract from the structural critique of climate change solutions leading to maladaptation this book makes.
In 2009, when research for this book began as a PhD thesis, a state-of-the-art literature overview on environmentally induced migration was published (Oliver-Smith & Shen 2009) outlining categories that, when tethered to Barnett and OâNeillâs (2010) maladaptation typology published the following year, exposed a gap in the environmental change and migration literature; namely, maladaptation arising from market-based climate change solutions, adaptation and mitigation policies under the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol, presenting as a potentially different driver of migration/displacement.
Early research was emerging showing âdisplacement linked to measures to mitigate or adapt to climate change. For example, biofuel projects and forest conservation could lead to displacementâ (Norwegian Refugee Council Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre 2007, cited in Kolmannskog 2009). Less than a decade later, Sarah Vigilâs (2015, 2018) research on land-grabbing and green-grabbing driven by two major climate change policies, biofuels and forest carbon projects, suggests âthere is a need to move beyond the category of environmentally induced migration displacement in order to include the impacts of climate change mitigation policies as a factor that influences displacement outcomes or migratory decisionsâ (Vigil 2015, p. 45). Later, she called for migration scholars âto broaden the spectrum of thei...