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INTRODUCTION TO CELTIC ART IN EUROPE: MAKING CONNECTIONS
Chris Gosden, Sally Crawford and Katharina Ulmschneider
This volume attempts to provide a map of the interests and personal connections of Vincent and Ruth Megaw in their pursuit of an understanding of Celtic art. Since 1963 Vincent has been regularly visiting Europe, on both sides of the former Iron Curtain, to see and talk Celtic art. Initially enrolled as a PhD student in Edinburgh, although then based in Sydney, Vincent embarked on travels useful both to him and everyone he encountered. Meeting him for the first time in (probably) 1979 on the DĂŒrrnberg, Austria where one of us (CG) was working for an Austrian team, it became immediately apparent that Vincent knew everyone, had a story to tell about each and their latest work and results. Indeed, Vincentâs work on Celtic art and his personal style combined around a central theme of connections. The Megawsâ work has been invaluable in demonstrating links between so many of the key pieces of Celtic art across the continent that it has helped create a comparative framework that we all take for granted. Built on earlier foundations, most obviously that of Paul Jacobsthal (1944), the evolving work of the Megaws has allowed us all to chart the growing corpus of material over the last 50 years. The line up of authors in this book is a testimony to the Megawsâ connections and peopleâs willingness to contribute is due to the high regard, personally and academically, in which they are held.
Much has changed over the last half century of work, but also many things have stayed the same. The corpus has grown and Europe has unified in a manner unimaginable in the 1960s. The Celts are still a preoccupation and this is linked to how far the art styles of the Early Iron Age derived from the Mediterranean. One way of reading the stress on the Celts was that they provided a means of insisting that the world of interior and western Europe had a set of styles and sensibilities separate and different to the Classical tradition. As is evident in this volume, the degree and nature of this separation is still being debated. Individual motifs came from the south, but it is likely that the logic of construction of decoration and its perception were foreign. The lack of naturalism has long been recognized and in their best papers (such as Megaw 1970) the Megaws have traced the construction and possible reception of styles. New sets of connections are now being canvassed, which see Celtic art as a western element of Eurasian systems of style and signification (Wells 2012) and much of the future may be spent charting such links and the differences from the naturalistic art of the world of empires and states to the south. New technologies in the form of modern databases and mapping tools will allow for more systematic and wide-ranging comparisons within Europe and beyond. The increasing number of finds excavated under modern conditions, such as at the Glauberg and Hochdorf, allow us to link objects to their archaeological contexts. This is allowing for discussion about the political and cultural strategies behind the making, use and deposition of spectacular objects (Garrow and Gosden 2012). We are also becoming more aware that the La TĂšne styles did have some roots in late Hallstatt forms, while differing from them in key aspects of their sensibility.
We feel that this volume is a fitting tribute to Vincent, as it is the first time in many years that such a wide geographical set of discussions on Celtic art have been brought together in one volume. It will give the reader a sense of the richness of the material and the main debates in which people are engaged. The papers chart the history of attempts to understand Celtic art and argue for novel approaches.
Some fundamental questions continue to bedevil 21st century studies of Celtic Art â the first is the definition of âCelticâ, the second the definition of âArtâ. The question of whether these two words together have any meaningful relationship with the economy, society, identity and community of Europe outside the classical world hinges on the definition of âCeltic Artâ. The Megaws have, through their scholarship, made a significant contribution to the continuing debates on these questions, and so it is fitting that the opening papers in this volume take up the baton of controversy. Both John Koch and John Collis point up, in their papers, that to understand the problems, it is necessary to understand the history of the discipline, to contextualize the original use of these contentious terms. Starting with the idea of âthe Celtsâ, Koch re-investigates Herodotusâ famous references, and argues that there is a connection between Celtic ethnicity, language and art, that the geographical range covered by the term âCelticâ should be widened, and that âLa TĂšneâ art is only a small part of a much bigger âCeltic artâ picture. John Collis takes a closer look at the modern origins of the term âCeltic Artâ, in particular the first published article on the subject by Victorian entomologist and artist John Obadiah Westwood. While the term seemed to fit the current state of knowledge in the mid-19th century, Collis argues that subsequent developments mean the term is no longer fit for purpose, if its purpose is to describe an art style confined to the Celts, or an art style used by all âCelticâ people in antiquity.
If the term âCelticâ is problematic, the term âartâ for the decorative material culture of the Iron Age is equally contentious. Part of the problem, as Felix MĂŒller elaborates, is that modern ideas about âartâ are founded on criteria which explicitly exclude the proto-historic Celtic world. Is it possible to have âartâ without an âartistâ? Like Koch and Collis, MĂŒller looks back at the development of the history of the subject. The first serious study of European Celtic art was by Paul Jacobsthal, first known for his study of Greek vase painting, and whose early love of modern art was reflected in his publication on the modern artist, Ingres (1929). Jacobsthalâs work on European Celtic art, as MĂŒller points out, was predicated on the assumption that, as with Greek vases, it would be possible to identify a âmasterâ responsible for particular outstanding pieces of work. The limitations of an âart historicalâ approach, ultimately based on classical models, sell Early Celtic art short. These constraints, MĂŒller argues, particularly the anachronistic search for an âartistâ, should be set aside.
Laurent Olivierâs paper takes up the challenge posed by MĂŒller in his closing paragraph by proposing a new way of interpreting Celtic art. Olivier argues that the modern eye is trained to view images in a particular, perspective-driven way, which is preventing us from seeing Celtic art with Celtic eyes. Borrowing a term from geometry â ârabatmentâ â Olivier argues that Celtic artists were simultaneously communicating multiple viewpoints in their art, expressing the key characteristics of their object â lateral, horizontal and vertical views of a chariot, for example â rather than restricting themselves to the parts of the object visible from a static viewpoint. Olivierâs thesis demands a significant revision of current readings of Celtic art.
Vincent Megaw himself notably argued that Celtic imagery carries a range of meanings, in particular drawing attention to hidden faces within geometric patterns (Megaw 1970). In her paper, Jennifer Foster continues to build on her work of identifying these hidden faces, adding further persuasive zoomorphic images to the catalogue of elusive motifs. As Mitja GuĆĄtinâs review of three beautiful face masks in gold, silver and bronze indicates, the idea of the head inspired some of the finest pieces of Celtic art, even though the function and meaning of the objects may be obscure to archaeologists. Mariana Egriâs paper also focuses on faces, this time relating specifically to Danubian kantharoi. Egri correlates the imagery on these vessels to their archaeological contexts, arguing that, on kantharoi, the head carried a specific meaning relating to the ritual and personal use of the object â a significant step forward in decoding the âlanguageâ of Celtic art. From the other side of Celtic Europe, Fernando Quesada Sanz considers the possibility of an Iberian âhead cultâ, but postulates that the decorative âsevered headsâ found on a funerary dagger are as likely to represent trophy âkillsâ.
There is no consensus on the meaning of the severed head in Celtic art, and the chronological span and geographical ubiquity of heads as images throws up further problems, as Natalie VenclovĂĄ and Jan Roytâs fascinating paper reveals. They review the possible Celtic origin of a stone head relief sculpture from the Czech Republic. The authors conclude, after careful assessment of the evidence, that the head is medieval â one fewer example for Vincent to catalogue in his forthcoming Early Celtic Art Supplement. But the Celtic origin of this head could only be ruled out after careful research, and the exercise serves to underline the intriguing possibility that the reverse may also be true: there may be many stone heads in collections across Europe currently mislabelled as âMedievalâ when they may in fact be Celtic.
Otto-Herman Frey and Fleming Kaul both turn their attention to iconic objects of the Celtic world, the Basse-Yutz flagons, well known through the Megawsâ detailed study of the burial (Megaw and Megaw 1990). At the time of their publication, the Megaws had little with which to compare the art on the Basse-Yutz flagons, but the recent discovery of the Glauberg flagon provides an impressive parallel, as Frey discusses. Kaulâs intention is to try to understand the symbolic meaning of the animal images on the flagon. Rather than seeing the flagon as a static work of art, Kaul thinks about the interaction between the object and the user, arguing that, as with Mariana Egriâs katharoi, the âartistic intentâ of the image is only fulfilled through action, in this case pouring the liquid from the mouth.
For Kaul, the Basse-Yutz flagon needs to be âreadâ in the context of movement: for Paul Gleirscher, who analyzes a set of metal fragments from Leisach (Austria), the art on a carnyx is intimately connected to its use and to the sound it makes. For Gleirscher, the carnyx was both a weapon and a ritual object: its sound literally inspiring awe in the listeners. Celtic art has to be âexperiencedâ, as well as viewed, for its meaning to be unlocked.
If there is a relationship between art, culture and social structure â religious or political â then the adoption or adaptation of new art styles should be a red flag indicator of social change. This idea is explored by Thomas Stöllner in his paper on the rich âprincelyâ graves of the Late Hallstatt and Early La TĂšne culture north of the Alps. Stöllner argues that the influence of Greek art in Celtic production is intimately tied to an adaptation of the older Greek idea of hero worship. For Stöllner, the emergence of a new style of princely burial marks a social and religious change characterized by an appropriation of images and ideals from the Greek world to empower and authenticate an emergent elite.
There are very close analogies for Stöllnerâs thesis in the so-called âfinal phaseâ burial ritual in Anglo-Saxon England. In the 5th and 6th centuries, grave goods in Anglo-Saxon burials signaled ethnicity and local group identity. But in the 7th century AD, Christianity was being introduced, and a new elite emerged who were keen to align themselves to powerful leaders on the continent and impose a new idea of kingship in their burials, rather than signal their local, ethnic identity. The change in social structure associated with the emergence of kingdoms found expression in a changing burial ritual. The new elite sought to validate their kingship, founded on an idea of imperium, by appropriating ideas of Romanitas in more or less accurate ways. The most well-known of these elite burials is that of the man buried at Mound 1, Sutton Hoo, whose grave goods were ostentatiously âRomanâ in character, including a unique burial costume imitative of images found on Roman sculpture and coins from previous centuries. The encompassing 7th century idea of Romanitas even included hanging bowls, typically with La TĂšne-style decoration, whose appearance in 7th century princely graves is best explained as part of an eclectic approach to expressing and recreating an Anglo-Saxon perception of the power of Rome in princely graves (Geake 2000, 17).
The material culture of early medieval England provides a number of close parallels with the Celtic world which might provide a fruitful area of comparison in terms of understanding the processes by which new influences are appropriated into art styles, the correlations between changing art styles and changing social structure, and the ways in which the language of art was read and interpreted in a pre- and proto-literate society. In this context, John Boardmanâs contribution on the Alfred Jewel offers further fuel for comparison. Boardman argues for the selective and deliberate adoption and adaptation by the 9th century Anglo-Saxon court of iconography referencing part of the Alexander story, originating in the eastern Mediterranean. The image on the Alfred Jewel was a deliberate choice to convey a message which King Alfred knew his court and bishops, and possibly a wider audience, would be able to decode â it should hearten Celtic art scholars that its meaning still remains obscure to modern viewers, though Boardman offers a plausible explanation.
A similar process of selective inclusion of foreign material can be seen in the decoration of the 4th century BC Moscano di Fabriano brooch. As Venceslas Kruta argues, this brooch underlines the idea that external images were adopted and transmitted over time because they chimed with specific pre-existing Celtic concepts which gave the image meaning: for Kruta, it is necessary to distinguish between the content of an image, which relates to ideological systems, and the form of the image, which relates to chronological or geographical factors.
Other papers in this volume explore and test this contrast between âcontentâ and âformâ and their relationship to geography and chronology through studies of single objects, or micro-study of a particular type of object. Rudolf Echt argues that the decoration on a unique early La TĂšne reversible torc from Saarland helps to provide a chronological date for its manufacture and distribution, while Hrovje Potrebica and Marko Dizdar look at the geographical range of gold and silver beads in southeast Pannonia, finding that their distribution argues for links between the eastern Sava and the PoĆŸega Valley. Aurel Rustiou looks for parallels for the stamped pottery from a La TĂšne cemetery in Romania which demonstrate connections between the East and West in the 4th century: for Rustiou, as for Kruta, there is clear evidence in his study that Celtic art demonstrates local adaptation of symbolic language from external societies. But studies of stamped pottery decoration may lead to unexpected results, as GertrĂșda BĆezinovĂĄ shows in her examination of a single vessel with stamped decoration from Slovakia. The vessel has a stamped design which is relatively easy to parallel on other media, but is extremely unusual on pottery. What does the normative exclusion of this design on pottery signify, and what does its non-normative appearance on this exceptional pot indicate about the pot or the meaning of the stamp? The question remains open.
Distribution maps of objects or decorative elements may indicate the movement or ideas, or of people. For Tomasz Bochnak and Petar PopoviÄ, documentary and archaeological evidence combine in their respective case studies to argue positively for movement of people. In his study of Balkan Kantharoi, PopoviÄ argues that this chronologically persistent form of pottery vessel, adapted from Greece across the Balkans, allows an insight into contacts and migration, which are the best explanation for the widespread distribution of this form. Bochnakâs La TĂšne and Przeworsk strap shield bosses indicate, through different distribution of forms over time, that there were pre-migration contacts and exchange of ideas between the Przeworsk and Celtic cultures, followed by a westward migration of people from present-day Poland. Bochnak argues that there is an archaeologically-visible difference between people migrating away from a region, where the direction of movement may be erratic, widespread, and prolonged, compared to people making a deliberate decision to migrate to a chosen location, where the archaeological traces of movement will be deliberate and direct.
JosĂ© Gomez de Soto moves the spotlight to the far west of the Celtic continental world in his study of a bronze ring found in the Charente-Maritime. The ring is problematic, in that the circumstances of its discovery mean there is scant evidence for the date or context of its original deposition, and its heavily-abraded state suggests that it was in circulation for many years after its original date of manufacture â perhaps curated through the Roman period. Gomez de Soto analyses the form and ornamentation of the ring and its closest parallels â of which there are none known so far from Gaul â to test whether it was of local manufacture or came to western France from long-distance trade: though it is plausibly of local manufacture, the decoration of the ring points up the need for more investigation of the ways in which western Gaul engaged with the rest of the Celtic world.
The question of local manufacture or import seems to have been solved to some extent for Celtic-type rings from Sanzeno, Italy, by the discovery of a stone mould, discussed by Franco Marzatico. Here, at least, there is evidence for the location of metalworking activity, usually elusive in a Celtic context. However, as Marzatico notes, while a stone mould is evidence for local manufacture, it leaves open the question as to whether the metalworkers themselves are local, foreign or itinerant smiths.
Paul Jacobsthal, whose work is referenced in many of the papers in this volume, was confident of the existence of itinerant master smiths in the Celtic world, but frustrated by his inability to prove this theory on the basis of the archaeological evidence to which he had access. Instead he wrote a tongue-in-cheek paper hypothesising their lives to explain the links he identified between decorative elements on Iron Age sword scabbards from Ireland and Britain and sword scabbards in Hungary. Some 70 years after he originally wrote his prescient paper for private circulation, it seems appropriate to publish it for the first time in this volume for Vincent Megaw, in many ways Jacobsthalâs direct scholarly descendent.
Jacobsthalâs putative smith worked for, and was commissioned by, warriors. Soldiers and mercenaries played an exceptionally influential role in commissioning, transmitting and transporting new styles in the early Celtic world, as Jan Bouzek demonstrates in his paper comparing changes in art in the archaeological evidence with written sources about the campaigns and subsequent migrations and settlements of early Celtic mercenaries. Looking in detail at the fragment of a dragonâs head terminal from Lower Austria, Maciej Karwowski also finds evidence of links between armour, Celts, the early Romans and the specialized steel from which this weaponry was made. Karwowski teases out Romano-Celtic links from a fragmentary ornament: Thierry Lejars takes equally unpromising material â corroded fragments of stamp-decorated iron sword sca...