Contents
Acknowledgements
List of Illustrations
Introduction
Preface
1 The use of analogy
Problems with analogies
The proper use of analogy
Context
Conclusion
2 Ethnoarchaeology
Relations with experimental approaches in archaeology
History of the use of ethnographic analogies in archaeology
Ethnoarchaeological field methods
3 The formation of the archaeological record
Post-deposition
Deposition
Conclusion
4 Technology and production
Formal analogies
Relational analogies based on natural processes
Cross-cultural relationships
Relational analogies and cultural context
Conclusion
5 Subsistence strategies
Hunters and gatherers
Pastoralists
Agriculturalists
Bones and seeds
Conclusion
6 Social organisation
Settlement
Burial
Exchange
Levels of societal complexity
Conclusion
7 Ritual
Conclusion
8 Art, decoration and style
Art
Decoration
Style
Conclusion
9 Looking at ourselves
10 Conclusion: archaeological anthropology
Interpreting the past
A theory of material culture
Bibliography
Index
Acknowledgements
The following publishers are acknowledged for permission to reproduce the illustrations appearing in this book.
Academic Press: fig. 22 from Steensberg A. 1980 New Guinea gardens.
George Allen and Unwin: fig. 41c from Heyerdahl T. and Ferdon E.N. (eds) 1961 Archaeology of Easter Island. Volume 1.
Athlone Press: fig. 41d from Evans J.D. 1971 The prehistoric antiquities of the Maltese Islands: a survey.
Barrie and Jenkins: figs 35, 36 and 37 from Rapoport A. (ed.) 1969 Shelter and Society.
Cambridge University Press: fig. 29 from Hugh Jones C. 1979 From the milk river.
Chapman and Hall Ltd.: fig. 16 from Clark J.G.D. 1952 Prehistoric Europe: the economic basis.
Jonathan Cape: fig. 41b from Renfrew A.C. Before Civilisation. The radiocarbon revolution and prehistoric Europe.
Hutchinson: fig. 39b from Phillips P. 1975 Early farmers of West Mediterranean Europe.
International African Institute: figs 33 and 34 from Africa Volume 50.
International Louis Leakey Memorial Institute for African Prehistory: fig. 21 from Leakey R.E. and Ogot B.A. (eds) 1980 Proceedings of the 8th Panafrican Congress of Prehistory and Quaternary Studies.
Kroeber Anthropological Society: fig. 11 from Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers, Volume 37.
Michigan Discussions in Anthropology: fig. 28 from Smiley F.E. et al (eds) 1980 The archaeological correlates of hunter gatherer.
Prehistoric Society: from the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, figs 2a and 3a from Volume 6, fig. 27 from Volume 5, fig. 3 from Volume 37, fig. 5 from Volume 32, fig. 40 from Volume 44.
Prentice Hall: fig. 41a from Sahlins M.D. 1968 Tribesmen.
Rex Features Ltd.: fig. 47 from York P. 1980 Style Wars.
Society of Antiquaries: fig. 39c from Antiquaries journal, Volume 51.
Thames and Hudson: fig. 1a from Megaw J.V.R. (ed.) 1976 To illustrate the monuments; figs 5 and 6 from Willey G.R. and Sabloff J.A. 1974 A history of American Archaeology; figs 42 and 43 from Clark J.G.D. 1967 The Stone Age hunters.
I wish also to thank Francoise for her help in surveying the relevant literature and for her advice. Parts of the typescript for this book were produced while a visiting Professor at the Van Giffen Institute of Pre-and Proto-history of the University of Amsterdam, and my debt to the patience and generosity of the members of that Institute is warmly acknowledged.
The illustrations
1 Archaeological and ethnographic stone axes
2 Circles of post-holes and round houses
3 The interpretation of four-post arrangements as granaries
4 Relationship between computer simulation, experimental archaeology and ethnoarchaeology
5 Burial ceremony of south-eastern American Indians
6 Major John Wesley Powell consulting an Indian, near the Grand Canyon
7 Hut collapse in Baringo district, Kenya
8 Pulling out posts in Mbunda village, western Zambia
9 Mud wall decay in Ghana
10 Pits in various stages of infill, western Zambia
11 Disposal of bones by scavengers and natural agencies
12 Interior of abandoned hut, Baringo district of Kenya
13 A broken pot used to collect rainwater, from western Zambia
14 Gypsy encampment in east of England
15 Interior of two Mesakin Nuba compounds where dirt and refuse are allowed
16 Clarkâs comparison of wooden arrowheads
17 Different types of arrowheads, used by Lozi groups in western Zambia
18 Iron age artifacts termed âweaving combsâ
19 Hair comb from Kenya
20 Making clay pots in Baringo district, Kenya
21 Ethnographic and archaeological evidence of iron smelting
22 Stone axes from contemporary New Guinea and Neolithic Denmark
23 House construction in Baringo district, Kenya
24 Njemps house in Baringo district, Kenya
25 Contemporary artifacts from Baringo district, Kenya
26 Uniform artifacts of the Tugen, Baringo area, Kenya
27 Typical camps and house types among Wikmunkan tribe, Australia
28 Wikmunkan seasonal use of the environment
29 PirĂĄ-paranĂĄ long house
30 Different structures based on posts in a square
31 Granaries around edge of Lozi village, western Zambia
32 Pots produced by women in Lozi village, western Zambia
33 Symbolic dimensions of the Swazi homestead
34 Schematic summary of Swazi symbolic dimensions
35 The Pueblo
36 The Hogan
37 Schematic depiction of structural differences between Hogan and Pueblo
38 Axes from main quarries in New Guinea Highlands
39 Artifacts and behaviour termed âritualâ by archaeologists
40 Neolithic causewayed-camp in east England
41 Easter Island as an analogy for prehistoric Europe
42 Palaeolithic cave painting from Ariege
43 Bison from Ariege
44 Historical analogy for a rock painting in South Africa
45 Examples of Nuba decoration
46 Child play in refuse
47 Johnny Rotten
Jacket illustration
Modern Baka pottery manufacture in Western
Equatoria. The decoration is made with the broken
ends of straws and is carried out prior to completing
the lip of the pot. All the objects around the potter are
used in the potting processes. (Reproduced by kind
permission of David Phillipson, Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge)
Introduction
Ian Hodder 2012
Ethnoarchaeology has experienced a number of transformations and iterations since 1982 when this book was first published. For some it has come to be associated with a troubling set of assumptions and ethical considerations. To study contemporary societies in order to make comparisons with the past seems to place present-day societies in the past, to equate them with âthe prehistoricâ. This, of course, was the strategy of early European archaeologists who from the 16th century onwards came to the realization of the âantiquity of manâ through comparison with Native Americans and other aboriginal groups encountered through colonial and imperial expansion. The post-colonial critique today allows us to comprehend the dangers and unwarranted assumptions that lie behind any attempt to draw parallels between past and present. Understanding of cultural diversity requires in-depth historical and contextual study. From this perspective, any attempts to draw comparisons between past and present must be open to reflexive scrutiny in order to understand the assumptions that are imposed and in order to evaluate the impact on living communities. So, from this point of view, ethnoarchaeology is a difficult and often suspect pursuit that must be tied to careful reflexive evaluation (eg Nicholas and Kramer 2001) and a thorough understanding of context. The emergence of calls for âarchaeological ethnographyâ (eg Meskell 2005) provides a neat inversion of ethnoarchaeology. Rather than ethnography being used in the service of a colonial archaeology, archaeology and ethnography are re-balanced in relation to each other. The focus is placed on contributing to the understanding of contemporary peoples through archaeological research. Archaeological ethnography involves studying present and past in relation to each other, using both archaeological and ethnographic techniques within a frame strongly committed to ethical considerations.
For some, then, the troubling aspects of ethnoarchaeology have led to a flourishing of new types of relationships between past and present and between archaeology and ethnography. For others, however, ethnoarchaeology has gained traction precisely because it allows cross-cultural statements that contribute to a more secure understanding of the past. This trend has been especially prevalent within those approaches that espouse general theoretical frameworks based on ecology and optimization. Thus, for example, Human Behavioral Ecology has proved a rich vein of theoretical resources that can be mined to build general models that can be âtestedâ in ethnographic contexts (eg Bird and Bird 2000). Behavioral Archaeology too has proved hungry in its search for ethnographic data that could prove or disprove its general assumptions (Skibo 2009). Research on contemporary technologies has allowed broader understanding of operational sequences (Stark 2003; Roux 2007; Beyrie...