Chapter 1
Engendered Madness
We start this chapter by revisiting five hundred years of (mis) reading women, followed by the more awkward trajectory of defining madness itself. Coursing through these two strands is how an absence of the latter failed to desist control of the former. And how the âunderstandingâ of both was acquired without recourse to herself!
Defining Women Over 500 Years!
The (male) definition of womanhood has a long and arduous history, most of it constructed on masculine fear. âOpinion-formers and policy-makers produced their own phantom Doppelgänger, reminders of [the] dangers lurking within, of what would break loose if law and morality broke downâ. At the heart of this terror sat the corruptible woman. âLate nineteenth century fears of demoralised, hypnotised, hysterical, or nymphomaniac women reveal male insecurities about precisely what normal women â your wife and daughter! â were really likeâ. A circumstance that revealed âmore about the crisis of personal beliefs and professional status of the [authority figures] ⌠than about their [targetsâ] âdiseasesââ1Yet the stage for this Victorian model had been set more than two hundred years before, and consistently targeted a perceived feminine guile:
âFor pride and madnesse are of the feminine gender. They have reason for it. Man was made but of earth, Woman of refined earth; being taken out of man, who was taken out of the earth [a reference to Eveâs creation from Adamâs extracted rib]: therefore shee (sic) arrogates the costlier ornaments, as the purer dustâ.2
In these clerical times, of medieval religion writ large through Puritanical fear, the language and castigation of women grew increasingly stark: âBy means of a whorish woman, a man is brought to a piece of breadâ (Proverbs 6: 26) â that is, a dissolute woman will bring a man to his knees. The blocks were now building for a means of control, the target of which was her facile mind.
Adams saw much to fear in their âbeautyâ:
âIf you prayse their beauty; you rayse their glory: if you commend them, command them. Admiration is a poison, that swelles them till they burst [i.e. go mad].â3
Moreover:
âbecause the brain responded to the operation of the reproductive organsâŚthe mentalities of the sexes differed as well. It was the totality of the physical and the mental differences that made up the essence [that] doctors [and others] confidently called womanâs ânatureâ.â4
This nuisance apparatus of human reproduction â and the masculine âwisdomâ on why women existed â created her reasons to fall. Energy depletion, in body and mind, left her prone to decay â especially âup thereâ in the brain and the mind. While her gynaecological equipment â from the womb to the ova and her âregular cycleâ â made her not just more volatile, but more suited to nurture than to try to compete (the maleâs exclusive domain).
Maudsleyâs assertion that âthere is sex in mindâ was rendered ever more derogatory by the epitaph, âas distinctly as there is sex in body,â5 extolling the thesis by condemning the female as unsuited to public âoffices in lifeâ â i.e. those outside the home. Thus, a womanâs mental collapse came when she undoubtedly dared to presume to know better than nature.6
An endless litany of sexist opinion saw control exercised on and withdrawn from the woman (had she ever possessed it), and it was achieved through what they said was medical âprogressâ, ably assisted by attitudes in both culture and law. Nineteenth century alienists like Prichard, Laycock and Beard (actually an American neurologist) introduced causes of the weak womanly mind, respectively homicidal mania; nervous diseases; and sexual (not just gender) neurasthenics. Beard made a career out of womenâs apparent neuroses, predicated on immoral living and his pessimistâs view:
âThe causation of sexual neurasthenia, as of all the other clinical varieties, and of modern nerve sensitiveness in general, is not single or simple, but complex; evil habits, excesses, tobacco, alcohol, worry and special excitements, even climate itself - all the familiar excitants being secondary to the one great predisposing cause â civilization.â7
Having labelled the âDark Agesâ of nervous women just a half-century before, Beard unintentionally endorsed contemporary responses and insisted âa large group of nervous symptoms, which are very common indeed, would not exist but for morbid states of the reproductive systemâ â though he had the good grace to extend the problem to both sexes. Nevertheless, he clearly believed in the origins of the womanâs poor nerves: âlacerations of the cervix and perineum, irritations, congestions, and displacements of the uterus and ovariesââŚamongst others.8
As Cheyne avowed barely two hundred years earlier, history proved how it was middle class women who were found to be chiefly at risk, insisting it was the idle rich who suffered the worst of weak female nerves. While, as Woods has more recently stated, such women were particularly invested with purity, marriage and outward economic endowment, and having so much to live up to, their minds inevitably collapsed under the weight of their domestic oppression.9
By the long nineteenth century, the scene, having already been set, was now being ever fine-tuned to fearing the woman â especially one who had pride in her charms. The response, then, was to oppress and belittle, which none less than Charles Darwin redefined (and endorsed). In The Descent of Man, he wrote explicitly about womanâs âinferior stateâ. As he spelt out his perceptions of biological difference, he acknowledged evolutionâs preparation for the differing sexes; men were designed to excel at art, science and thought, while womenâs superior traits were restricted to âintuition, perception and imitationâ.10 Such âstrengthsâ, he argued, were âcharacteristic of the lower races, and therefore of a past and lower state of civilisationâ â an intended slur on a womanâs role in the human existence.11 Thus, for many, the misogynistâs view was receiving endorsement.
Nature was where much of female suffering was given its justification. The implications were stark. âNature and society mutually illuminate each other,â Jordanova remarked. âGender functions in this way because it is⌠part of the natural world, the source of all morality and ethicsâŚâ Defining a woman and her role in the world, based on natural order, became so entrenched that declaring her mad seemed a quick easy-fix for condemning and subjugating the gender.12 By extending such fear, the pitied and now reprovable female â from girlhood to womanhood, through puberty, maternity and into old age â was more wont to psychiatric decay far beyond that of (most) men! But nowhere more so than in becoming a mother.
Maternal Collapse
Motherhood raised especial concerns in the realm of the mind. The forthcoming chapter on so-called âmaternal mayhemâ elucidates this far more, but it is worth highlighting here how it became the ultimate focus of female suffering â from her physical danger in the âdarkâ Middle Ages, to the oncoming ills of the nerves and her mind. According to many, her propensity to derangement arising from her capacity to bear children was indeed her unequivocal curse:
âDuring that long process, or rather succession of processes, in which the sexual organs of the human female are employed in forming; lodging; expelling, and lastly feeding the offspring, there is no time at which the mind may not become disordered; but there are two periods at which this is chiefly liable to occur, the one soon after delivery, when the body is sustaining the efforts of labour, the other several months afterwards, when the body is sustaining the effects of nursingâ.13
A degenerative moral sense too, born of impaired and inferior faculties, her conduct and especially her self-control, all were seen now as prone to collapse. As Clouston advanced, as late as 1911: âA certain lack of [selfcontrol] is, I fear, almost expected in woman, and the highest degrees of it are not commonly expected in herâŚ[it is] few who are not prone to yield in conduct to emotion, instincts and impulse.â14 William Tyler Smith, a Victorian male midwife, went even further, and guaranteed a motherâs insanity at the very moment she gave birth.15
Maternal madness could be âtracedâ to several sources, as far as was seen by nineteenth century minds. And so great was their number, it was a miracle that any woman escaped being untouched by a perceived malediction. Amongst them were the following concocted conditions.16
Uterine changes led to an unstable brain â what Maudsley described as âaffections of the uterus and its appendages afford notable examples of a powerful sympathetic action upon the brain, and not unfrequently play[ed] an important part in the production of insanity.â17 Blood decay, in both circulation and quality - Maudsley again, perhaps now revealing a misogynistâs theme?18 Melancholia reared up from weakened nerves, though whether from her natural make-up or from being confined whilst pregnant remained a moot point. And the curse of new mothers, puerperal insanity, the maternal mayhem en vogue. In simple terms comprised of mania and longer-term melancholia, the latter including lactational madness.
The same Professor Hogan, in an arguably overly feminist tract, recently lamented both the invention and misdiagnosis of maternal insanity conditions, typically puerperal mania. Insisting that such a tag of abuse ignored the real cause of the new motherâs condition, she highlighted bacterial infection as the real blameworthy cause.19 Hardly unheard of in pre-modern times, yet more unsettling was how motherhood itself was reduced to the womanâs âpivotal purposeâ.
Not that such notions were confined to the Victorian era. The postwar years of the twentieth century retained its gendered perspectives. Psychotherapy also attracted stern condemnation, as self-labelled feminists compared Freudâs psycho-sexualisation of women as another form of malecentric control.
Ahead of the emerging 1960s âchemical cultureâ, with first its American then European claims of magical pills, it was really the underground attitudes which were shifting the sands. Since the dawn of the âchemical coshâ, and the marketing of a new breed of sedatives and anti-depressants, more people, women especially, were effectively self-diagnosing via the medicine chest. Even in popular culture, this âbrave new worldâ was not going unnoticed; as heard in the Rolling Stonesâ hit, Motherâs Little Helper, a rebuke on the increasingly popular diazepam drug, perhaps better known by its Valium trade name. Compare it with those nineteenth century cousins, laudanum and antimony, once the asylum superintendentâs favourite for keeping her under control. The latter worked by keeping her nauseous but is now used in fireproofing fabrics!20
Thus, from Darwinian theories to post-modern âabusesâ, the âinferiorâ mental state of the female sex saw her succumb to her subordinate nature, and her mental collapse during her maternal ordeal. From such a set of evolutionary circumstances, women had long-fought lifeâs battle just to stay sane. These age-old misogynist responses to motherly madness perpetuated if not exaggerated earlier centuriesâ failings, bringing in a new wave of psychiatry formed on the old tide of gender control. Wrongful confinement may by the Sixties have become a thing of the past, but wrongful coercion remained another matter entirely.
Periodic Control
To witness the myriad ways in which men âmanagedâ their women is to see how the means, whys and wherefores of gender control fluctuat...