Endnotes
Prologue
[1] For more detailed accounts of this transition, see, for example, William I. Robinson, Latin America and Global Capitalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 1-50 and Robert Brenner, The Boom and the Bubble (London: Verso Books, 2002), 16-93.
[2] The International Monetary Fund (IMF) did this by requiring borrowers to implement so-called âstructural adjustment programs,â which meant privatizing state-owned enterprises, cutting back on social spending, eliminating environmental and workplace regulations, and opening their economies to âfree tradeâ by reducing tariffs and subsidies. The IMF represented a âcreditorâs cartelâ because private banks would not lend to governments unless they had already signed an agreement with the IMF.
[3] World Bank, World Development Report 2000/2001, 51.
[4] Mark Weisbrot and David Rosnick, âAnother Lost Decade? Latin Americaâs Growth Failure Continues into the Twenty-First Centuryâ (Center for Economic and Policy Research, Washington, DC, 2003), http://www.cepr.net/index.php/publications/reports/another-lost-decade-latin-americasgrowth-failure-continues-into-the-21st-century/.
[5] For a review of these social movements in Latin America, see Richard Stahler-Sholk, Harry E. Vanden, and Glen David Kuecker, Latin American Social Movements in the Twenty-first Century: Resistance, Power, and Democracy (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008).
[6] Patronage-clientelism refers to the ages-old practice where politicians use government resources such as jobs or material benefits to favor their own supporters against political opponents. Personalism refers to the tendency among citizens and political leaders to place greater importance on loyalty to individual politicians instead of loyalty to a particular political program. For a discussion of these and other problems, see Gregory Wilpert, Changing Venezuela by Taking Power: The History and Policies of the ChĂĄvez Government (London: Verso Books, 2007).
Introduction
[1] Marta Harnecker has contributed greatly to developing the theoretical concepts of participatory democracy and popular power. Marta Harnecker, trans. Coral Wynter and Federico Fuentes, âPopular Power in Latin America â Inventing In Order to Not Make Errorsâ(Closing lecture given at the XXVI Gallega Week of Philosophy, Pontevedra, April 17, 2009), Links: International Journal of Socialist Renewal, July 2009, http://links.org.au/node/1136.
[2] Vijay Prashad, The Darker Nations: A Peopleâs History of the Third World (New York: New Press, 2007).
Introductory History
[1] Early Spanish conquistadores were drawn there by the grandiose tales of the golden treasures of El Dorado hidden deep in the Venezuelan Amazon. In the 20th century, reports of vast oil deposits around the Lake Maracaibo enticed a new generation of treasure hunters. The quadrupling of the price of oil in 1973 provoked what came to be known as the oil shock in the industrialized countries of the North. While this produced fears of economic downfall for those countries, in Venezuela it created what has been referred to as a âpetroleum euphoria.â In that same year, Carlos AndrĂ©s PĂ©rez won the presidential elections with a large margin, campaigning as el hombre con energĂa (the man with energy), promising that he could now magically bring Venezuela into the future with oil. Fernando Coronil, The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela (Chicago: University Of Chicago Press 1997), 237-238.
[2]SimĂłn BolĂvar was born on July 24th, 1783.
[3] As of late 2006, slightly more than 2 percent of the Venezuelan population of 26 million was indigenous. âThere are some 28 different indigenous groups in Venezuela, but only four of those groups, the WayĂșu, Warao, PemĂłn, and Añu, have populations in excess of 10,000 people.â Statistics, University of Maryland, Minorities at Risk (MAR) Assessment for Indigenous Peoples in Venezuela, December 31, 2006. http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/mar/ assessment.asp?groupId=10102.
[4] âCumbe is the name of the liberated spaces created by the cimarrones, or liberated slaves,â Luis Perdomo, Chapter 11.
[5] John Lynch, SimĂłn BolĂvar: A Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 76.
[6] Gregory Wilpert, Changing Venezuela by Taking Power (London: Verso Books, 2007), 10.
[7] As in two other highly US-influenced Caribbean countries, Puerto Rico and Cuba, the national sport in Venezuela is baseball, not soccer. Even Hugo ChĂĄvez jokes about how he tried out for the New York Yankees as a young man, but didnât make the cut.
[8] The first democratic transfer of power from one party to another in Venezuelan history didnât take place until 1968, and even then it was under the AcciĂłn DemocrĂĄticaâ Copei power-sharing Punto Fijo pact.
[9] Wilpert, 10.
[10]There have been five republics in Venezuelan history. Venezuelaâs Fourth Republic began shortly after the dissolution of Gran Colombia in 1831 and lasted until President ChĂĄvez came to power in 1999. President ChĂĄvezâ political party, which helped him to win the 1998 presidential elections, was called Movimiento Quinta RepĂșblica (MVR â Movement for the Fifth Republic). Despite the fact that the Fourth Republic lasted for more than 150 years, when most ChĂĄvez supporters now use the term âFourth Republic,â they are generally referring to the forty-year period immediately preceding ChĂĄvezâ rise to power beginning with the Punto Fijo Pact.
[11] Terry Lynn Karl, The Paradox of Plenty (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 234.
[12] Wilpert, 11.
[13] Wilpert, 13.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Chapter 15.
[16] Caracazo â Caracas+azo, the ending âazoâ in Spanish means beating or hit. Venezuelans typically name their uprisings like this, i.e. Barcelonazo, Carupanazo, Porteñazo. SacudĂłn means âthe big riotâ or âthe big loot.â
[17] Venezuelaâs has an indigenous population of roughly 500,000. Chesa Boudin, Gabriel GonzĂĄlez, and Wilmer Rumbos, Venezuelan Revolution: 100 Questionsâ100 Answers (New York, NY: Thunder Mountain Press, 2006), 74.
[18] This power was granted to two presidents before ChĂĄvez. And the National Assembly granted it again to ChĂĄvez for eighteen months beginning in January 2007, during which time he decreed twenty-six laws.
[19] Pedro Carmona â the President of the Venezuelan Chamber of Commerce, Fedecameras, who assumed the Venezuelan presidency during ChĂĄvezâ absence. President ChĂĄvez calls him, Pedro âthe brief.â
[20] Venezuela produces between 3- 3.5 million barrels of petroleum per day, roughly half of which is sold to the United States. Production during the lockout was next to nothing.
[21] Venezuelaâs social missions are almost all named after Venezuelan âfounding fathersâ or important moments, events, or people in Venezuelaâs revolutionary history.
[22] As of January 2009, there were 3, 105 Barrio Adentro I basic medical centers functioning throughout the country, and a total of 476 Central Diagnostic Centers (CDI), where more in-depth diagnosis and treatment is conducted. Tamara Pearson, âVenezuela. Launches 732 New Public Health Works For 2009,â Venezuelanalysis, January 28, 2009, http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news/4150. Colin Burgon, â10 Years of Progress in Venezuela,â Venezuelanalysis, February 6, 2009, http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/4181.
[23] No Es Poca Cosa: 10 años de logros del Gobierno Bolivariano, pamphlet based on ChĂĄvezâ speech, February 2, 2008, 10-11.
[24] Ibid., 18-24.
[25] Bolivarian bourgeoisie â new bureaucracy.
[26] Certain âpro-ChĂĄvezâ governors showed little interest in supporting the reforms that would drastically limit their powers, passing them up to ChĂĄvez and down to the Venezuelan people through the communal councils. In fact, on the eve of the 2007 referendum, many basic public servicesâsuch as trash pickupâsimply stopped functioning, cluttering Caracas streets with debris, even more so than usual.
[27] In 2008, the Bolivian states of Pando, Beni, Santa Cruz, and Tarija in the countryâs rich lowlands (known for the half-moon shape made by the states on a map) held referenda and asked their residents if they supported autonomy from the Bolivian government. The majority of the population of this region is of European decent, while the majority of Bolivian population is indigenous. The votes came on the heels of the election to power of Boliviaâs first indigenous president, Evo Morales, who took steps to use the profit from nationâs energy production for the good of the poor majority, rathe...