From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie

The Alliance for Sovereignty between American Indians and Central Europeans in the Late Cold War

György Ferenc Tóth

• Publisher: SUNY Press
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781438461236
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Native American Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie examines the history of the transatlantic alliance between American Indian sovereignty activists and Central European solidarity groups, and their entry into the United Nations in the 1970s and 1980s. In the late Cold War, Native American activists engaged in transnational diplomacy for nation building by putting outside pressure on the US government for a more progressive Indian policy that reached for the full decolonization of Native American communities into independence. By using extensive multinational archival research complemented by interviews, György Ferenc Tóth investigates how older transatlantic images of American Indians influenced the alliance between Native activists and Central European groups, how this coalition developed and functioned, and how the US government and the regimes of the Eastern Bloc responded to this transatlantic alliance. This book not only places the American Indian radical sovereignty movement in an international context, but also recasts it as a transnational struggle, thus connecting domestic US social and political history to the history of Cold War transatlantic relations and global movements.

1

“Playing Indian” Revisited

American Indians in the Transatlantic Cultural Landscape

Archie Fire Lame Deer: So if you talk about the respect for our people in East Germany, when you walk there, I have to thank this man called Karl May, even though it was a world of fantasy that he had written about, never seen Lakotas, and made ridiculous things as Navajos with Mohawk haircuts [Richard Erdoes: I can tell you all about that!] but he still raised the consciousness of the people of the Indian people.

Erdoes: We were all born and raised pro-Indian, all the German, and Austrian, and the Swiss and French kids clapped when they see the Indian—going “Boo!” when the cavalry come. […]1

Painting, Playing, Printing: Karl Bodmer and George Catlin

The Central European forms and traditions of “playing Indian” were transatlantic in their production and circulation. In the long line of representations that spanned the previous centuries since European contact,2 especially influential were the Indian paintings of Swiss artist Karl Bodmer, who in the early 1830s traveled to the Upper Missouri Valley with German Prince Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied. While wintering at Fort Clark, present-day North Dakota in 1833–34, Bodmer created many likenesses of the Mandan and Hidatsa people. After his return to Europe, Bodmer used his sketches to make scores of paintings, which were then published in the prince’s travel account in German in 1839, and subsequently in French and in abridged form in English.3 Among them were his most famous ones, the 1834 Mató-Tópe (Four Bears), Mandan Chief, and his 1835 Pehriska-Ruhpa of the Dog Society of the Hidatsa tribe. Bodmer is usually credited with highly accurate ethnographic detail and is known as a visual artist who documented Plains Indians in the early stages of European contact.4 Over time these prints became so popular and ubiquitous that by the middle of the twentieth century they had been circulating in various reproductions on the Old Continent. Thus, Bodmer’s visual representations of Plains Indians have become a part of the transatlantic cultural landscape, serving as “raw material” or “props” for playing Indian in Central Europe.

U.S. painter George Catlin spent much of the same decade visiting and painting some of the same Native communities in the same region. Catlin and Bodmer overlapped to the extent that, for example, both painted the Mandan leader Four Bears (who is credited with alternative spelling by Catlin in his 1832 Máh-to-tóh-pa, Four Bears, Second Chief, in Full Dress). Much more than Bodmer, Catlin’s enterprise ran the gamut of “playing Indian” in its variety of media. After spending years on the Missouri River, Catlin published his travel account as The Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians in 1841, then lectured and exhibited his Indian Gallery in a variety of U.S. cities before he took it to Europe.5 There, Catlin complemented his collection with tableau vivants of Europeans dressed up as Indians, himself masqueraded as a Sac warrior, and he staged live performances with groups of Ojibwa and Iowa Indians, which drew large audiences. Complete with an open air encampment and horses,6 Catlin soon operated a veritable proto-Wild West Show, which he took to Brussels, Dublin, London, and Paris. In London in 1848, he published a companion book to his American West travel account, this one titled Catlin’s Notes of Eight Years’ Travels and Residence in Europe, with his North American Indian Collection. With Anecdotes and Incidents of the Travels and Adventures of Three Different Parties of American Indians Whom He Introduced to the Courts of England, France and Belgium.7

In his writings, Catlin deployed the figure of the American Indian as a foil for celebrating U.S. democracy and critiquing European Christian practice and industrial society. According to his account, the Iowa and Ojibwa in his service repeatedly wondered about the great wealth and dire poverty coexisting in European cities, and even berated Christian missionaries for attempting to convert them instead of tending to the poor.8 At best, actual Native agency was buried in Catlin’s rendering of the cultural and literary trope of the noble savage of the Enlightenment and Romanticism. A report likely closer to the actual experience of these Indians was published in 1848 by Maungwudaus (The Great Hero), a member of Catlin’s second Ojibwa group, titled An Account of the Chippewa Indians, Who Have Been Travelling Among the Whites, in the United States, England, Ireland, Scotland, France and Belgium.9 Another Indian critique of European and American society is provided by the very context of these encounters: as observed by Christopher Mulvey, the Iowa and Ojibwa crossed the Atlantic because of white encroachment on their land and way of life—but during their European tour, some eleven of them died of smallpox and other causes.10

The “Wild West” Tours Europe: Buffalo Bill Cody

While Catlin’s Indian gallery met early success in Western Europe, the U.S. pioneer who turned playing Indian into a long-term show business on both continents was Buffalo Bill Cody. L. G. Moses documented how some of the members of the Great Plains ghost dance movement, deemed to be too rebellious to live on the reservations, were allowed by the U.S. government to be hired as performers for Buffalo Bill’s European tours.11 This was a characteristic transfer between Indian revitalization movements, government policy, and playing Indian in popular culture. When a number of Native tribes engaged in the spiritual practice of ghost dancing, the U.S. government perceived this as a real threat to the status quo of Indian relations, and responded with repressive measures that culminated in the killing of Big Foot’s band at Wounded Knee. As part of the crackdown on the ghost dancers, the U.S. government then partnered with Buffalo Bill Cody to remove the troublemakers and channeled them into performing nostalgic and exotic reenactments of “the Indian Wars” in the United States and abroad. Moses argues that considering the circumstances, these Plains Sioux performers exercised some agency in representing their own history, and benefited financially from the arrangement.12 As performances of colonial rule, Buffalo Bill’s successful tours of Europe were akin to the fin-de-siècle Völkerschau (live exhibitions of “exotic” Native people from far-flung European colonies) by Carl Hagenbeck, and they spawned imitators in content or form, among them the Sarrasani circus of early twentieth-century Germany.13

Pressed in Pulp: Dime Novels and the World of Karl May

While James Fenimore Cooper’s Leatherstocking Tales were published in German as early as 1845,14 it was the advent of the dime novel that truly accelerated the diffusion of Indian imaginaries across the Atlantic. With advances in printing and transportation technology, publishers perfected the production and mass dissemination of popular literature at low prices. In the United States, the firm of Beadle and Adams are credited with publishing the first dime novel series in 1860. Their first dime story, Malaeska, the Indian Wife of the White Hunter, established a major theme in the genre: pioneer and Wild West stories that featured American Indian characters. With the onset of the Civil War, the publishers established their transatlantic arm, Beadle’s American Library, which for five years reprinted some of their runs for the British market.15 This was one of the early instances of the transatlantic publishing of U.S. dime novels16—a practice that not only provided Europeans with a steady fare of Western fantasies but also inspired “native” European literature about American Indians, and thus helped provide the “script” for Europeans playing Indian.

The foremost and most influential example of homegrown Central European stories about American Indians remains the Winnetou cycle of novels written by German author Karl May around the turn of the twentieth century.17 Karl May’s formula of positioning a German hero in an alliance with “noble” Natives against greedy and evil whites and “bloodthirsty” Indians proved to be immensely successful in Central Europe. Over time, the author’s oeuvre developed into veritable “culture industry,” with between eighty and one hundred million copies sold in twenty-eight languages.18 May’s works served as “script,” or at the least as inspiration, to whole generations of Central Europeans for playing Indian in a variety of cultural forms, from stage performances to feature films and hobbyist reenactment.

While his novels were set in the Southern Plains region of the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century,19 both scholars and ordinary Germans point out that Karl May’s stories are purely fictional and not based on much (if any) personal experience with American Indians.20 May was more likely influenced by the popular accounts of the Wild West and “the Indian Wars” of the late nineteenth century, and their renderings in the transatlantically circulating dime novels. This allowed him the liberty to “play Indian” as a German in more than one way. May deliberately blended his own personality with that of his narrator and his protagonist when he masqueraded as the hero of his own Wild West adventure stories; he even commissioned replicas of the rifles that his hero wielded on the frontier and posed for photographs in costume as Karl/Sharlee/Old Shatterhand.21

In his stories, Karl May positions his German hero in a peculiar alliance with his fictional American Indian characters. The inherent skills, strong body, and character of Karl/Charlie, a German immigrant to the U.S. West, soon allow him to outperform the Americans in frontier skills, and his feat of knocking out a man with his bare first earns him the nickname of “Old Shatterhand.” After his early encounters with good and evil frontiersman and Indians, Shatterhand soon chooses sides and strikes up a friendship with the Apache warrior Winnetou. With his Indian “blood brother,” Old Shatterhand lives through a series of adventures in which he battles white bandits and the hostile Kiowa and Oglala Sioux.

May’s literary partnership between German frontiersmen and American Indians has a peculiar politics that I argue would later inform the transatlantic alliance for Native American sovereignty. Scholars have observed that in the process of Karl’s (almost overnight) transformation into Old Shatterhand, the frontiersmen who are key allies to him and the Apache all turn out to be German immigrants.22 In an especially emotional scene of the first story, the white Klekih-petra, who had spent decades with the Apache and had taught their chiefs the tenets of Christianity, is fatally wounded by the bullet of a drunken white surveyor. Dying in the arms of his beloved pupil Winnetou, Klekih-petra turns to Karl/Old Shatterhand, whom he had met only hours before, but whose German origins he shares. Speaking in German, which the Apache do not understand, Klekih-petra asks Karl/Shatterhand to take his place and be a friend and teacher to Winnetou. Karl vows to fulfill this role.23 Through this and subsequent scenes,24 May positions Germanness as a commitment to an alliance with American Indians, in particular with the Apache.25 This, however, is not a commitment to mass and violent resistance: after the Apache warrior’s father and sister are shot dead by another white outlaw, Old Shatterhand successfully talks Winnetou out of convening all the Indian tribes and waging w...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• Introduction: Indians at Checkpoint Charlie
• Chapter 1 “Playing Indian” Revisited: American Indians in the Transatlantic Cultural Landscape
• Chapter 2 There Ain’t No Red in the American Flag: The Indian Sovereignty Movement as a Transnational Challenge to the U.S. Nation State
• Chapter 3 The Rise of the Transatlantic Sovereignty Alliance
• Chapter 4 The Politics of Solidarity in the Transatlantic Sovereignty Alliance
• Chapter 5 “Red” Nations: Marxist Solidarity and the Radical Indian Sovereignty Movement
• Chapter 6 A Trail of New Treaties: Performing American Indian Rights at the United Nations
• Photo gallery
• Chapter 7 States of Control: U.S. Government Responses to the Transnational Sovereignty Movement
• Conclusion: The Transatlantic Sovereignty Alliance and Its Legacy
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Index
• Back Cover