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An imperfect union
British Eurosceptic fictions
May I say how pleased we are to have some Europeans here, now that we are on the Continent? I didnât vote for it myself, quite honestly, but now that weâre in, Iâm determined to make it work.
(Cleese and Booth 1975)
A symposium in the literary journal Encounter, âGoing into Europeâ, communicates the views and concerns of a range of prominent writers and intellectuals on the merits of European integration. Within its pages we can discern early anti-Common Market leanings that would go on to characterize an underlying Euroscepticism in British literature for decades. As the editors of the journal identify, however, it has always been difficult to forecast the assumed stances of writers and literary scholars on European integration:
What has been a constant source of surprise to us has been the unpredictability of almost everyoneâs attitude â not merely to the âproâ and âconâ of the relatively technical questions of Common Market entry but more interestingly to the deeper emotions involved. âRegional poetsâ have turned out to be internationalists; cosmopolitan travellers to be âprovincialsâ; the idea of âlittle Englandâ appears suddenly to be both virtue and vice. (1962: 56)
For C. S. Lewis, the fear of European integration was not that it made a federal superstate inevitable, but rather that any supranational arrangement would be âbuilt out of units far smaller than the existing nations: units like Wessex and Picardy, not like âBritainâ (a horrid word) and Franceâ, neglecting the local and regional idiosyncrasies of culture, language and local customs (1962: 57). Iris Murdoch adopted a related stance, emphasizing that attention should be focused on the political protection and maintenance of the Commonwealth which was surely going to be marginalized in favour of a greater concentration on European economic attachments. E. M. Forster shared this fear that the Common Market was a foil for the âEurope of Big Businessâ, wavering on the merits of entry (1962: 64). Playwright John Osborne concurred, declaring â[I] am proud to settle for a modest, shabby, poor-but-proud Little England any day. Iâd gladly say goodbye to those hordes of grasping businessmen and technocrats, and see the lot off to the Rhineâ (1962: 59). Playwright and screenwriter Robert Bolt reasoned that while the Tories desired an entry into Europe due to their opportunistic âgreedâ for such economic growth, Labourâs reluctance was due to âinertiaâ, concluding âthe Tories have the best of it. Greed is at least an active principleâ (1962: 58). âGoing into Europeâ is particularly significant in revealing the vast number of writers and intellectuals for whom European integration was simply a non-issue. J. B. Priestley (2015), who later called for a protection of the English national character and dismissed the merits of Common Market membership, was an early detractor on EEC membership and cast doubts on public enthusiasm for such an endeavour. In his 1962 novel The Shapes of Sleep, a reporter charged with ascertaining the public stance towards integration merely concludes: âBritons are not thinking about the Common Marketâ (182).
Priestleyâs remarks are shared by historian A. J. P. Taylor, who opined âwe have never belonged political to Europe and I see no reason why we should begin nowâ (Encounter 1962: 62). He concludes: âThere is no British opinion about âgoing into Europeâ [. . .] [It] is the greatest non-question of all timeâ (Encounter 1962: 62). Harold Pinter echoed his remarks, briefly stating âI have no interest in the matter and do not care what happensâ (Encounter 1962: 59). Moreover, some contributors were acutely prescient in doubting the validity or suitability of a referendum to determine the European Question. T. S. Eliot, for example, conceded a slight personal bias for greater cultural integration, yet deemed the matter should not âbe decided by a plebisciteâ (Encounter 1962: 65). Anthony Powell, despite his personal antipathy towards the EEC, went further, asserting that writers or artists should not even be consulted on matters for which they were not informed, pre-empting the thoughts of several Leave-supporting politicians in the 2016 referendum.
As the introduction discussed, there has been a notable absence of engagement with Europe in post-war British literature, as authors concentrated instead on the legacy of Empire or internal developments affecting Britainâs economic stability and structural integrity. However, this chapter will identify a range of disparate novels which depict a diminished and fearful Britain, belatedly and belligerently limping into the European arena. A particular strain of wartime resistance often seeps into these various narratives, as characters are forced into new European spaces in which their national identity (and enforced Europeanized identity) must be negotiated.
In his 1976 essay âEnglands of the Mindâ, Seamus Heaney characterized the post-war period as a time of national self-reflection (1980: 150â69). Nick Bentley rightly identifies that such concerns take on literary expression, with fictions of the 1950s revealing âa deep concern with the nationâs changing identity, its international status and role, and the reconstruction of Englishnessâ (2007: 36). Ongoing decolonization and mass immigration threatened existing constructions of national identity and resulted in âa sense of existential crisis in national termsâ as Britain sought to safeguard its splintering identity and imperial authority (2007: 37). While society struggled to adapt to post-war life, with the subsequent political, social and cultural upheavals, British authors also struggled to engage with changing European relations. In comparison to the deep literary engagement with the Commonwealth and Britainâs postcolonial condition, the question of European influence and integration has attracted far less critical attention.
The awkward partner
A demoralised nation tells demoralised stories to itself.
(Okri 1995)
Kingsley Amis was an early opponent of British membership yet his opposition is arguably more nuanced. In his contribution to âGoing into Europeâ, Amis reflects on the condition of post-war England and determines that a âcloser economic union relation with the Continent seems desirable, even necessaryâ, conceding he âcan contemplate closer cultural ties without shudderingâ (1962: 56). It is the âinevitable progression to political unityâ that Amis finds âdisturbingâ, as well as the suggestion that a âContinentalised Britainâ would have to surrender its close âspecialâ relationship with the United States and the Commonwealth (1962: 56).1 Instead, Amis considers the privileged âEnglish-speakingâ realm of the Anglosphere to be Britainâs âfutureâ destination while Europe remains âa place we have spent much of our history trying to extricate ourselves fromâ (1962: 57). His Anglocentric comments seem to align with the views of poet W. H. Auden, who succinctly captures the psychological separation preventing a close cultural alignment with the Continent: âIf I shut my eyes and say the word Europe to myself, the various images which it conjures up have one thing in common; they could not be conjured up by the word Englandâ (Encounter 1963: 53).
Amisâ engagement with the question of Europe as a literary theme is crystallized in his 1958 novel, I Like It Here. The novel follows Garnet Bowen, a freelance journalist and lecturer, as he travels to Portugal on an assignment. Tired of relying on tenuous contracts, Bowen begrudgingly accepts a commission for an article on European culture despite his abject disdain of âgoing abroadâ, in return for the promise of a key position in publishing. I Like It Here conforms to the narrative style of the travel novel but employs a seriocomic stance in order to deconstruct British perceptions of post-war European engagement. Bowen shares similarities with Amisâ earlier protagonists such as John Lewis and Jim Dixon in his self-deprecating acknowledgement of his pretentious social attitude but retains a staunch resistance against those who attempt to alter his isolationist posture: âhe suffered from acute prejudice about abroad. Some of this he thought he recognised as unreasonable, based as it was on disinclination for change, dislike of fixing up complication arrangementsâ (1968: 23). After all, Bowen does not decide to travel to Europe of his own volition but rather is sent there for business, interpreting the telegraph offering him the trip as âa deportation orderâ (1968: 5). The proffered trip is a fictionalized account of Amisâ own visit to Portugal, after receiving a ÂŁ500 financial reward for winning the Somerset Maugham Award for Lucky Jim (1954), and Bowen is arguably employed to voice Amisâ own Europhobic sentiments (he even has two sons and a daughter like his author). As Philip Gardner has observed, Garnet Bowenâs initials appropriately allow him to become the mouthpiece for Great Britain; initials which he proudly displays on his number-plate when driving abroad (1981: 50). Upon arriving in Portugal, âhoping not to be addressed in a foreign tongueâ, Bowen remains thankful that the Portuguese âhad not tried to knife him or rob himâ, and discovers that âtrying to pronounce even a few syllables of French set off [. . .] a most complex and deep-seated network of defensive responsesâ (1968: 11; 20; 157). Like Roger Micheldene â the protagonist of Amisâ 1963 novel One Fat Englishman â Bowen revels in the distinctive privileges and national eccentricities that mark him apart from his European interlocutors.
By concealing semi-autobiographical elements under the guise of social satire, critics interpreted I Like It Here as evidence of Amisâ own Europhobic anxieties and sneering condescension towards the Continent, and heavily criticized the novel in early reviews. Fellow author Margaret Drabble deemed the novel âxenophobic and slightâ and declared the novel among his weakest works (2006: 25). Yet many critics also fail to note how Amis consciously satirizes both his own bitter vitriol and the Angry Young Man movement. The title of the novel itself is not so much a reflection of the protagonistâs own defiant Euroscepticism but an exaggeration of Amisâ own parochial and insular aesthetic evident in his early fiction. Amis privately called the novel âa very slipshod, lopsided piece of work that has very little to say about anythingâ, but defended himself against accusations of Euroscepticism: âIn I Like It Here people thought I was attacking Europe, but I was attacking the people who like itâ (Barber 1975: 48; qtd. in McDermott 1989: 89). Bowenâs defiant parochialism in the novel is often directed towards the âupper-middle-class travellerâ who insolently believe they have âthe right to knock the Englishâ, promoting the value of foreign culture and bemoaning âthe spirit being chilled and restricted in the foggy atmosphere of Anglo-Saxon provincialismâ (1968: 32).
As Cecile Leconte identifies, such âcultural anti-Europeanism is a key dimension of Euroscepticismâ within Britain (2010: 69). Yet Andrew James qualifies Amisâ personal fear of âabroadâ, suggesting it is âbest viewed as a further manifestation of his poetic provincialism and not xenophobiaâ, noting that Amis so enjoyed his time in Portugal that he began to travel widely after the publication of the novel; his experiences shaping his subsequent novel One Fat Englishman (James 2013: 59). That being said, given One Fat Englishmanâs concentration on American society this merely serves as further evidence for Amisâ continued attachment to both the Anglosphere and the âspecial relationshipâ in place of any burgeoning Continental attachments: âlet [European relations] be ties, not bondsâ (Encounter 1971: 20). Further, the denouement of I Like It Here does not bring a shift in Bowenâs cultural outlook and we are still left with a protagonist who resents lecturing on the work of French nationalists for Modern European literature course, mocks the English mispronunciations of his foreign students and only takes pleasure in Harry Bannionâs recital of Charge of the Light Brigade, before retreating to the relative safety of British soil convinced of the futility of European relations. The satirical commentaries on Europeans and their cultural idiosyncrasies, rather than the EEC directly, hints at âa disconnect that goes much deeper than mere frictions between a member state and an institution [. . .] we are dealing with two opposing concepts. The one is called Britain, the other Europeâ (Spiering 2015: 2).
The novel is certainly anti-cosmopolitan in tone, regardless of Amisâ satirical stance. Bowen is not what Anthony Appiah would term a âcosmopolitan patriotâ, incapable of entertaining âthe possibility of a world in which everyone is a rooted cosmopolitan, attached to a home of his or her own, with its own particularities, but taking pleasure from the presence of other, different, places that are home to other, different, peopleâ (1998: 91). But in Bowenâs mind Europe is a homogenized space of cultural otherness and he is unable to discount âthe essential abroadness of the place, the things it must share with millions of square miles between here and Istanbulâ, inhabited by elitist Europeans who subscribe to a stereotyped pattern, deployed to aggrandize the superiority of the British national character (1968: 157). His distaste for faux-cosmopolitan attachments (captured by the character of Celia Welch in Lucky Jim who perceived herself as âWestern European first and an Englishwoman secondâ) offers a veiled commentary on Britainâs brief forays into European political arrangements: âGoing and standing on the touchlines of other chapsâ ways of life and telling yourself youâre joining in isnât very self-aware. Just like going through foreign poetry with the dictionary and telling yourself youâre reading it (1968: 16).
In âGoing into Europe â Again?â, published a decade on from his initial article on British membership of the EEC, Amis has become more staunchly opposed to the question of membership, citing his distaste of the extortionate entry fee â which merely benefits âFrench and German farmers who are even less efficient than our ownâ â and the concerning aim of monetary union (1971: 19). More importantly, he offers an early critique of the implied loss of national sovereignty which was to characterize British Eurosceptic fiction for the following decades: âLet us not submit ourselves to âharmonisationâ â that new and dreadful euphemism for the projected ironing-out of national differences in every department of lifeâ (1971: 20).2 I Like It Here ultimately remains sceptical of the merits of European integration, privileging national attachments and espousing a form of British exceptionalism which places it in line with other provincial Little Englander texts of the decade:
the place is located abroad and the people are foreigners, which [. . .] means that they and I belong to different nations, so we canât understand each other or get to know each other as well as chaps from the same nation can. Iâm all for international co-operation and friendship and the rest of it, but letâs be clear what we mean by it. (1968: 185)
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