1 Myths We Live By: Multilingualism, Colonial Inventions
The things we supposedly know so foundationally about the notion of multilingualism and associated metalanguages are not as straightforward as they seem. In her ground-breaking book aptly titled The Myths We Live By, Mary Midgely (2003: 1), says âMyths are no lies. Nor are they detached stories. They are imaginative patterns, networks of powerful symbols that suggest particular ways of interpreting the world. They shape its meaningâ. Multilingualism is no exception. Mainstream notions of multilingualism and their metadiscourses have to be understood in this light â they are related to the larger global cultural, ideological, and mythic context. Looking at mainstream multilingualism as a product of myths that have crystallised into normative social reality is important. It points us away from over-reliance on parsimonious explanations, and towards critical awareness of the âregimes of truthâ about multilingualism discourse. Additionally, such critical awareness opens opportunities for greater engagement with how mainstream âregimes of truthââ about language, multilingualism, multilingual education, multilingual national language policies and so on â impinge upon the mundane everyday human condition, including myths we live by.
In recent years, multilingualism has become a buzzword in public, political and scholarly debates and discourses around the world. It has come to represent and to be equated with best practices in numerable social and educational policy areas such as bi-(multi-)lingual education; social inclusion; immigrant social service provision; social and political equality; regional and continental integration; active citizenship participation; and inclusive education. The definitions and practical applications of multilingualism are characterised by a litany of competing and contested interpretations (Liu, 2016). In a 2009 article titled âMultilingual Education Policy and Practice: Ten Certainties (Grounded in Indigenous Experience)â, Nancy Hornberger (2009) paints a rosy picture of perceived t;promises of multilingualism in general and multilingual education in particular. She posits that
Our 21st century entrance into the new millennium has brought renewed interest and contestation around [the multilingual] education alternative. Ethnolinguistic diversity and inequality, intercultural communication and contact, and global political and economic interdependence are more than ever acknowledged realities of todayâs world. (Hornberger, 2009: 1)
Hornberger (2009: 1) goes on to say that multilingual education âoffers the best possibilities for preparing coming generations to participate in constructing more just and democratic societies in our globalized and intercultural worldâ. She characterises multilingual education as constituting a wide and welcoming doorway towards the peaceful coexistence of peoples as well as the restoration and empowerment of communities and societies that have historically been oppressed â by such forces as global coloniality, racial ideologies, class, gender and so on. To this end, Hornberger postulates 10 certainties of multilingualism, which she argues hold the promise for equality and access to educational and socioeconomic opportunities, especially for indigenous and other peripherised communities around the world.
However, though Hornbergerâs arguments are insightful and push the envelope of academic discourses and language education policy conversations into previously uncharted territory, two problems beset her project: one phenomenological and the other philosophical. The phenomenological problem has to do with her notion of the âlingualâ that undergirds the âten certaintiesâ of multilingual education advanced in her thesis. Like many other previous scholars who have advanced similar arguments, Hornberger adopts mainstream understandings of multilingualism that view languages more as quantifiable objects and less as relational social practices that are not always amenable to processes and procedures of enumeration. This problem runs across the lines of arguments posited in all âten certaintiesâ of multilingual education â and applies to her discussion of multilingual education policy and practice in both indigenous and non-indigenous contexts.
The philosophical problem we find in Hornbergerâs thesis is one about the concept of âcertaintiesâ, which arguably betrays the positivist habits and practices of Euro-modernist epistemologies. While there is no doubt that multilingual education policy â however conceived or conceptualised â is a good starting point in tackling the pervasive effects of hegemonic monolingual policy frameworks, pitching it in terms of certainties seems t;quite untenable. How are we able to postulate certainties in a world of diverse peoples, cultures, knowledge systems and ontologies, and ways of reading and interpreting social realities? This conundrum becomes even more complex when considered in the context of indigenous communities where Hornbergerâs project is grounded. The language practices and epistemologies of indigenous communities are quite dynamic and excessively complex to fit within reductionist schemas of âcertaintyâ that are informed by the Euro-modernist positivist tradition. In other words, the notion of âcertaintyâ in the domain of knowledge and knowledge production has to be seen in terms of what it is: a historical construct whose emergence is located in the context of âthe larger history of the expansion of modern, Western reasonâ (Peet, 1997: 75).
Writing about the logics of Western reason, Raewyn Connell (2007) draws our attention to four geopolitical assumptions that underpin such discourses. First is the claim to universality whereby the very idea of mainstream social theory (including theories on multilingualism) involves talking about universals and generalisations as if the whole world was a homogeneous continuum. The fallacy of this claim rests on the fatalistic assumption that âall societies are knowable in the same way and from the same point of viewâ (Connell, 2007: 44). The second contour is that of reading from the centre; that is, the notion of âcertaintyâ constructs a social world read through the eyes of the metropole and not through an analysis of the metropoleâs action on the rest of the world. What is overlooked here is the fact that the experiences of the colonised cannot be fully represented in models that arose out of a colonial metropolitan reading of the world.
The third contour of mainstream discourses originating from the Global North is one that Connell (2007) calls âgestures of exclusionâ. This is about the total absence or marginalisation of theorists from the colonised world/Global South in metropolitan texts and discourses on multilingualism. In those exceptional instances where material culture and ideas from the colonised world are acknowledged, they are rarely considered part of the mainstream dialogue of theory. Riding on the back of colonial ethnography and social anthropological frameworks emphasising the modern/pre-modern distinction, Euro-modernist multilingualism discourses render the cultures and thought processes from the Global South irrelevant and treat them as belonging to a world that has been surpassed. This leads us to the fourth contour, which has been termed âgrand erasureâ. The point here is that when empirical knowledge and theorisation about humanity in general are seen as coming solely from a positivist tradition (with its emphasis on certainty and universality), the immediate effect âis erasure of the experience[s] of the majority of humankind from the foundations t;of social thoughtâ (Connell, 2007: 46). Connell elaborates this line of argument in her more recent publications where she shows how the global metropole (Global North) has monopolised the domain of social scientific theorisation, while the global periphery (Global South) is relegated to the supply of raw data. Ultimately, concepts, methodologies and agendas from the South have remained largely unrecognised, marginalised and absent from mainstream social science theorisations (Connell, 2014, 2018, 2019).
In this book, we extend Connellâs thesis and use it as an entry point in challenging Hornbergerâs framing of multilingualism in terms of certainties. Taking after Connell, we suggest that there is no singular universal notion or understanding of multilingualism. Rather, we posit that there are multiple conceptions of multilingualism that intersect with and reflect diverse global ontologies and experiences of living with languages â and these must necessarily include perspectives from the Global South. As Connell (2014: 217) advises, a world-centred, rather than a metropole-centred, approach to knowledge production, is what we need. This entails adopting an epistemological stance that requires rethinking (or unthinking) familiar concepts by posing a new set of questions we address from new perspectives that are yet to be tried and tested.
Linda Tuhiwai Smith (2012: iâxiv) (whom Hornberger cites a couple of times in her project) raises at least four objections to research agendas that proceed through the reification of conventional Euro-modernist paradigms. The first is that we need to develop counter-practices of research that are relevant to the agenda of âdisrupting the current hegemonic rules of researchâ. Secondly, she suggests that we need to âarticulate research practices that arise out of the specificities of epistemology and methodology rooted in peopleâs cultural experiencesâ. The third is about how stories of research, examples of projects, critical examination and mindful reflection must be woven together to make meaningful and practical designs. In her fourth objection, Smith (2012: ii) says âwe need new ways of knowing and discovering, and new ways to think about research in order to demonstrate the possibilities of re-imagining research as an activity that can be pursued outside the narrow box of the scientific experimental designâ. This is essentially about integrating praxis, theory, action and reflection in ways that provoke revolutionary thinking about the way we do research. These alternative trajectories suggested by Smith and shared by many other scholars (indigenous and non-indigenous alike1) would be inconceivable if we were to follow the logic of âcertaintyâ in our engagement of multilingualism discourses and multilingual education policies.
In a book aptly titled Uncertainties of Knowledge, Immanuel Wallerstein (2004) says
I believe that we live in a very exciting era in the world of knowledge, precisely because we are living in a systemic crisis that is forcing us to reopen the basic epistemological questions and look to structural reorganizations of the world of knowledge. It is uncertain whether we shall rise adequately to the intellectual challenge, but it is there for us to address. We engage our responsibility as scientists/scholars in the way in which we address the multiple issues before us at this turning point in our structures of knowledge. (Wallerstein, 2004: 58; authorâs emphasis)
This is a poignant reminder about the need to be open-minded in our research agendas. That is to say, we need to set aside grand narratives about universal âcertaintiesâ in a world where the boundaries of epistemologies are in constant flux. The epistemologies of the South that underpin the overarching argument we advance in this book âchoose to build bridges between comfort zones and discomfort zones and between the familiar in the fields of struggle and oppressionâ (de Sousa Santos & Meneses, 2020: xviii). As Wallerstein reminds us in the above quotation, because the structures of knowledge are uncertain, we have no other choice but to continuously revisit epistemological questions, including ones that seem settled and have now crystallised into some kind of common-sense/traditional orthodox. Multilingualism presents us with some such questions that seem to have been settled and yet remain troubling due t...