In many ways the Christian church in Europe at the start of the sixteenth century was flourishing. The vast majority of people across the continent enjoyed participating in its activities, contributed cheerfully to its ministry, and expressed confidence in its spiritual provisions. The ancient traditions and rituals of the church shaped the daily lives of men and women in every community, whether in a princeâs palace or a peasantâs cottage. From cradle to grave, the church offered spiritual nourishment to every individual via the sacraments, beginning with baptism and ending with extreme unction (anointing with oil at the point of death). Religious festivals, feasts, and holy days were celebrated with enthusiasm and gave a pattern to the year, recalling significant events in the life of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary, or the heroic deeds of the saints. Processions, pilgrimages, and âmystery playsâ (dramas of Bible narratives) provided regular entertainment and communal participation. Countless thousands travelled to the Holy Land or to Europeâs major shrines to prove their dedication to God, to fulfil a vow or to seek a blessing. Churches, chapels, and monasteries dominated the landscape. Devotees gave liberally to fund the ministry of the clergy, or to build new cathedrals, chantries, colleges, and schools. Listening to sermons was also a popular pastime and large crowds flocked to hear travelling evangelists. Christianity was deeply embedded in the European way of life. The medieval church was a remarkably durable, flexible, and energetic institution, which was widely expected to go from strength to strength.
One sign of vitality was the array of innovative renewal movements which blossomed in every generation. Far from being a static and monolithic organization, the church welcomed regional diversity and encouraged new expressions of Christianity. For example, the fifteenth century saw the rise to prominence of the Brethren of the Common Life, a confraternity founded in the Netherlands by Geert Groote. Their emphasis upon private prayer and personal holiness became known as devotio moderna (âmodern devotionâ), a form of piety popular among both laity and clergy. Its theology was best expressed in The Imitation of Christ (c. 1418) written by Brother Thomas, a monk from Kempen in Germany.
Another sign of revitalization was the resurgence of the papacy. It had recovered from the traumas of the Papal Schism when two rival popes vied for power between 1378 and 1417 in France and Italy. The divisions were slowly healed and in the 1450s Pope Nicholas V began an ambitious project to rebuild Rome as a glorious capital city for the reunited church. His vision for a rejuvenated Vatican, with St Peterâs Basilica at its heart, was maintained by his successors.
The Catholic church was also linked inextricably with the most significant renewal movement of the fifteenth century, the intellectual and cultural revolution labelled âthe Renaissanceâ (âthe Rebirthâ). First associated with a network of scholars, poets, philosophers, and artists in Italy, it flowed across the Alps into the rest of Europe. The Renaissance was marked by an explosion in knowledge, creativity, and discovery in fields as diverse as history, cosmology, architecture, linguistics, geography, technology, mathematics, and political theory. It was the age of polymaths such as Leonardo da Vinci and Niccolò Machiavelli.
In Rome, the papacy demonstrated its commitment to intellectual pursuit with the founding of the Vatican Library in 1475, the largest library in Europe. Leading Renaissance artists like Botticelli, Raphael, and Michelangelo received major papal commissions to decorate the Sistine Chapel and other buildings in the Vatican. Meanwhile in Poland, the astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus, canon of the cathedral at Frauenburg (Frombork), discovered the âheliocentricâ order of the universe. He circulated his mathematical calculations to friends as early as 1514, though he held back from publishing them for thirty years because they appeared to challenge the âgeocentricâ worldview of the Bible.
While Copernicus explored the heavens, a âNew Worldâ was opening up to European adventurers across the oceans. The Genoese colonist, Cristoforo Colombo, traversed the Atlantic on behalf of Fernando and Isabel of Aragon and Castile, and his convoy sighted land in October 1492 at what is now the Bahamas. Conquistadors soon moved beyond the Caribbean into Mexico and Peru, encountering ancient American peoples such as the Incas and the Aztecs. The discovery of this vast new continent provided unparalleled opportunities for evangelism and acquisition, winning souls for God and gold for the Spanish treasury.
Meanwhile in 1497 Vasco de Gama sailed down the west coast of Africa and around the Cape of Good Hope, sponsored by King Manuel I of Portugal, pioneering lucrative trade routes to India, China, and Japan. In Africa itself, the powerful ruler of Kongo, Nzinga Nkuvu, accepted baptism at the hands of Portuguese missionaries and was renamed King JoĂŁo I. Although he grew disillusioned with Christianity, his son Mvemba Nzinga (King Afonso I from 1509) was a zealous convert and established Kongo as a strategic Catholic kingdom. Catholicism was quickly becoming a global religion.
BACK TO THE SOURCES
Renaissance scholars were eager to rediscover the wisdom of ancient civilizations, especially the Greco-Roman world. With the motto ad fontes (âback to the sourcesâ) they sought to reappropriate classical texts which had been forgotten in medieval Europe. Re-engagement with the writings of Plato, Cicero, Seneca, Galen, and others helped to stimulate contemporary advances in philosophy, law, and medicine. The study of Greek was especially in vogue as manuscripts from the decimated Byzantine empire, which fell to Islamic conquest in 1453, began to circulate in western Europe.
This network of scholars was known as the âhumanistsâ, from studia humanitatis, the classical university curriculum (not to be confused with modern secular humanists). They were optimistic about the potentiality and progress of the human race, as expressed in De Hominis Dignitate (âOn the Dignity of Manâ), an oration from 1486 by the Florentine philosopher Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: âO great and wonderful happiness of man. It is given to him to have that which he desires and to be that which he wills.â1
The Renaissance humanists helped to renew the theology of the Catholic church in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries by challenging the dominance of the âscholasticsâ. This philosophical movement was divided into rival âschoolsâ â most notably the via antiqua (âold wayâ) associated with Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus, and the via moderna (ânew wayâ) associated with William of Ockham. Yet the scholastics held in common a desire to fuse the philosophy of Aristotle with the teaching of the Bible, exemplified by Aquinasâs Summa Theologiae in the 1260s. Humanists began to use the name Duns â or âdunceâ â as a term of abuse for stupid and pedantic authors who were well schooled in philosophy but ignorant of authentic Christianity. For example, Erasmus of Rotterdam derided the scholastics in 1499 because they âmerely envelop all in darknessâ and âspend their lives in sheer hair-splitting and sophistical quibblingâ.2 He rejoiced in the overthrow of Aquinas and the rediscovery of New Testament Christianity, and prophesied: âwe may shortly behold the rise of a new kind of golden age.â3
One humanist who put his linguistic training to good use was the fifteenth-century Italian scholar Lorenzo Valla, who served in the court of Alfonso the Magnanimous, king of Sicily and Naples. He researched the so-called Donation of Constantine, a document which purported to show that in the early fourth century, Emperor Constantine the Great had bestowed the entire western half of the Roman empire upon Pope Sylvester I and his successors. The Donation was often used by the papacy to defend its territorial power, but Valla proved that it was a later forgery.
Next he put the Bible itself under the spotlight. In his Collatio Novi Testamenti he probed the accuracy of the âVulgateâ, St Jeromeâs fifth-century Latin translation of the Bible, the standard version in use throughout western Christendom. Valla compared it with three codices of the original Greek text and noticed some significant discrepancies. For example, Jesus proclaimed at the start of his ministry, âMetanoeite, for the kingdom of heaven is nearâ (Matthew 4:17), which Jerome translated as âDo penanceâ instead of âRepentâ. This had encouraged an emphasis in the medieval church upon outward religious ceremonial instead of an internal change of heart. Likewise the angel Gabriel greeted the Virgin Mary as kecharitomene (Luke 1:28), which Jerome translated as âfull of graceâ instead of âhighly favouredâ. This allowed Mary to be viewed as a source of divine grace and encouraged the growth of popular devotion to Mary in the Middle Ages. Valla warned that scholastic theologians such as Aquinas had fallen into error by using Jeromeâs mistranslations. This accusation had the potential to shake the foundations of the church, but Vallaâs conclusions remained buried among his manuscripts for fifty years.
BIBLE SCHOLARSHIP
Christian engagement with the original text of the Bible leaped forward at the start of the sixteenth century. Hebrew was little studied, even within the universities, but since the 1480s Johannes Reuchlin (a leading German humanist) had been collaborating with Jewish scholars to learn the language and to standardize its form in print. In 1506 he published The Rudiments of Hebrew (both a grammar and a lexicon), which opened the doorway to a better understanding of the Old Testament in Christian Europe.
Meanwhile another group of humanists at AlcalĂĄ University in Spain were engaged in a landmark project to publish the entire Bible in its original languages, under the guidance of Cardinal Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo. It was called the âComplutensian Polyglot Bibleâ because AlcalĂĄ was known in Latin as âComplutumâ, and was printed in six folio volumes with parallel columns of Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin. The work was dedicated to Pope Leo X, and Ximenes expressed his hope that âthe hitherto dormant study of Holy Scripture may now at last begin to reviveâ. The cardinal observed that with access to the original text, the Bible student could âquench his thirst at the very fountainhead of the water that flows unto life everlasting and not have to content himself with rivulets aloneâ.4 Although the volumes were printed between 1514 and 1517, they were not officially published until 1522, which allowed Erasmus to steal ahead and win the plaudits as the first person to publish the Greek New Testament.
Erasmus was the leading humanist scholar in northern Europe, a prodigious polymath, born in the Netherlands but a ceaseless traveller among the literati of France, England, Italy, and Switzerland. His vast array of publications included manifestos on education and eloquence, collections of proverbs, devotional and doctrinal treatises, biting satire, and volumes on philology and classical studies. His love of antiquity and early Christianity was seen in his devotion to St Jerome, whose writings he set out to edit. Erasmus called Jerome âthe supreme champion and expositor and ornament of our faithâ, with rhetorical ability which ânot only far outstrips all Christian writers, but even seems to rival Cicero himselfâ.5 As part of his research into Jeromeâs Vulgate, Erasmus mastered Greek and also tried to learn Hebrew, but stopped because he was âput off by the strangeness of the language, and at the same time the shortness of lifeâ.6
During his hunt for Bible codices in numerous monastic libraries and archives, he stumbled across a manuscript copy of Vallaâs Collatio Novi Testamenti at Parc Abbey near Leuven in 1504 and published it the following year. A decade later, Erasmus was ready with his own edition of the Greek New Testament, published in Basel in February 1516, alongside a revised version of the Vulgate and his annotations on the text. It was dedicated to Pope Leo X, who welcomed this biblical scholarship as a blessing to the church, encouraging its author, âyou will receive from God himself a worthy reward for all your labours, from us the commendation you deserve, and from all Christâs faithful people lasting renownâ.7The first two editions sold 3,000 copies. It was a cornerstone in the Erasmian campaign not just to revive classical scholarship, but to renew the Christian church.
The most widely read section of Erasmusâs ground-breaking Novum Testamentum was his passionate preface, The Paraclesis, an exhortation for Christians to re-engage with the Bible and a critique of contemporary church practice. He declared it âshamefulâ that those who claimed to follow Jesus Christ knew so little of his teaching, unlike Jews and Muslims who were well versed in their holy books.8 He lamented that the church paid more attention to pagan philosophers like Aristotle and Plato, or scholastic authors like Aquinas and Scotus, than to Christ and the apostles. Religious orders such as the Benedictines, Augustinians, and Franciscans revered the rules of St Benedict, St Augustine, and St Francis but seemed to hold them in greater honour than the instructions of Christ. Likewise, Erasmus mocked those who clung to religious relics rather than the Bible: