That Hauerwas prefers to think of himself as a theologian instead of an ethicist has everything to do with the critical stance he takes against Protestant liberalism. “Ethics” is what remains of Christianity after the retreat of theological convictions from the public square. For Hauerwas, this retreat is synonymous with the name Immanuel Kant.5 In this regard, “Christian ethics” is the means by which Christian theologians seek to legitimize their existence in modern research universities and hospitals. Quoting his doctoral advisor, James Gustafson, Hauerwas writes, “The term ‘ethicist’ is popular because it provides an identity for former theologians ‘who do not have the professional credentials of a moral philosopher.’”6
In order to understand why Hauerwas prefers to think of himself as a theologian and insists on keeping theology and ethics together, one must understand two important stories that Hauerwas tells about the history of theological ethics: The first is about the rise of Protestant liberalism as the end of theological ethics, while the second is about the continuation of the liberal Protestant project as “Christian ethics” in America. In this chapter, I will introduce each story—first, the divorce of ethics from theology, and second, the development of Christian ethics in America. Then I will tease out how Hauerwas conceives of his own theological ethics as parallel to Karl Barth’s insistence that dogmatics and ethics are inseparable. All of this will set the stage for chapters two and three, where I will attend specifically to the stories of how Hauerwas came to be influenced by Barth and postliberalism respectively.
ONCE THERE WAS NO CHRISTIAN ETHICS
The first story Hauerwas tells is a story about how ethics became divorced from theology. This story begins with the early church and ends with the Enlightenment. Its basic thesis is that current conceptions of Protestant social ethics are contingent, not necessary. In fact, earlier expressions of the Christian life better exemplify Christianity as the integration of belief and practice. The punch line to the first story is that theologians began by talking about God but, over time, ended up talking about humanity. This story is worth retelling briefly because it gives concrete expression to Hauerwas’s claim that he follows Barth in rejecting liberalism.
For Hauerwas, “Once there was no Christian ethics simply because Christians could not distinguish between their beliefs and their behavior.”7 Indeed, early Christianity was predominantly focused on how Christians should live. Theology simply was “pastoral direction” for how to live a morally substantial life.8 This changed somewhat with the rise of Christendom, or “Constantinianism,” as Hauerwas sometimes calls it.
Constantinianism is a term used by John Howard Yoder to describe the manner in which Christianity changes as it transitions from a persecuted minority to an established majority in the Roman Empire.9 Hauerwas and Wells explain, “Prior to Constantine, it took courage to be a Christian. After Constantine, it took courage to be a pagan. Before Constantine, no one doubted that Christians were different. After Constantine, it became increasingly unclear what difference being a Christian made.”10 In other words, before Christianity became established, what Christians believed made all the difference for how they lived; and how they lived, therefore, distinguished them from everyone else. With Constantinianism, everyone became Christian by being born in a “Christian” society. Meanwhile, moral behavior became secondary to theological belief. When this happened, ethics became about inward dispositions because outwardly everyone was already Christian.11
Even so, Christians developed a variety of theologically robust moral traditions. The most prominent is that of Augustine, who represents the mainstream of Western theological tradition. Two aspects of Augustine’s work are worth noting. First, Augustine argues that pagan conceptions of virtue (temperance, fortitude, justice, prudence) find their proper telos when they are understood as “forms of love whose object is God.”12 The priority of love for God has direct implications for how Christians imagine the social order.13
Secondly, as seen in City of God, Augustine distinguishes between the earthly city, which does not know God and is “characterized by order secured only through violence,” and the heavenly city, which is peacefully ordered by the worship of the one true God.14 While many see the Augustinian tradition as one that, for the most part, embraces Constantinianism—emphasizing the moral life as the pursuit of virtue while maintaining a sort of realpolitik with regard to the inherently sinful nature of worldly existence—Hauerwas maintains that Augustine’s argument in City of God is that true worship founds true politics. In this regard, Augustine refuses to compromise the essential link between Christian convictions and the moral life.
A second substantial response to Constantinianism comes from the monastic tradition. Monasticism maintained the distinctiveness of Christian convictions by recovering some of the effects of persecution and martyrdom with vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Such lives became exceptional witnesses to the radical demands of the gospel that more “worldly” Christians could aspire toward.15 Although it began as a countercultural movement within Christianity, monasticism came to have a lasting influence on mainstream Christianity through the development of penance.
Sometime around the fifth century, monks in Ireland began to hear confession from the laity. This practice became formalized with the development of penitentials (books that correlated particular sins with acts of penance meant to strengthen virtue as counteraction to sin).16 With the practice of penance, the church developed a rich and sophisticated casuistical approach to moral formation that simultaneously took seriously the call for Christians to pursue holiness and the importance of communal practices in such a pursuit. Casuistry, remember, is the case-by-case application of general ethical principles. In this case, it meant that the church developed a rich moral reasoning that prescribed certain acts of penance in correspondence with particular sins. The basic idea was that Christians could be trained to pursue virtuous action and avoid vicious action by practicing acts that refocused their desire away from sin and toward God. Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologica demonstrates the enduring influence of casuistry on Christian moral theology.
Aquinas’s moral theology is particularly exemplary for Hauerwas because Aquinas avoids the risk of reducing casuistry to legalism by underscoring the unity that exists between theology and ethics.17 Aquinas’s Summa has a three-part structure: part one explores God’s creative activity in divine freedom, part two describes creation’s return to God, and part three elaborates the means by which creation is able to return to God. A large part of the third section is devoted to casuistry. By considering questions regarding the moral life within the larger context of the story of creation and redemption, “the Summa, rather than being an argument for the i...