Overcoming Educational Racism in the Community College

Creating Pathways to Success for Minority and Impoverished Student Populations

Angela Long

• Publisher: Stylus Publishing
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781620363508
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Higher Education

Overall, nearly half of all incoming community college students "drop-out" within twelve months of enrolling, with students of color and the economically disadvantaged faring far worse. Given the high proportion of underserved students these colleges enroll, the detrimental impact on their communities, and for the national economy as a whole at a time of diversifying demographics, is enormous.This book addresses this urgent issue by bringing together nationally recognized researchers whose work throws light on the structural and systemic causes of student attrition, as well as college presidents and leaders who have successfully implemented strategies to improve student outcomes.The book is divided into five sections, each devoted to a demographic group: African Americans, Native Americans/American Indians, Latino Americans, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and Caucasian students in poverty. Each section in turn comprises three chapters, the first providing an up-to-date summary of research findings about barriers and attainments pertaining to the corresponding population, the second the views of a community college president, and the final chapter offering a range of models and best practices for achieving student success.The analyses--descriptions of cutting edge programs--and recommendations for action will commend this volume to everyone concerned about equity and completion rates in the community college sector, from presidents and senior administrators through faculty and student affairs leaders. For educational researchers, it fills blanks on data about attrition and persistence patterns of minority students attending community colleges. Contributors
Kenneth Atwater
Glennda M. Bivens
Edward Bush
Cara Crowley
Maria Harper-Marinick
Joan B. Holmes
G. Edward Hughes
Lee Lambert
Cynthia Lindquist, Ta'Sunka Wicahpi Win (Star Horse Woman)
Angela Long
Russell Lowery-Hart
Jamillah Moore
Christopher M. Mullin
Brian Murphy
Eduardo J. Padrón
Deborah A. Santiago
Wei Song
Robert Teranishi
Rowena M. Tomaneng
James Utterback
J. Luke Wood

PART ONE

AFRICAN AMERICAN/BLACK STUDENT POPULATIONS

1

VOICE OF THE NATIONAL RESEARCHER

African American Student Populations in Community Colleges

Glennda M. Bivens and J. Luke Wood

If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and will never be.

—Thomas Jefferson

Since 1901, community colleges have served as the principal pathway into postsecondary education for those who have been the most marginalized in society. Early community colleges (pre-1920) provided postsecondary access to college for low-income students who were not of the desired “pedigree” for attendance at four-year universities (Nevarez & Wood, 2010) and those for whom nearby postsecondary institutions were hundreds of miles away (Cohen & Brawer, 2009). However, it was not until the equal opportunity era of the 1960s through 1980s that expansive enrollment growth in racial/ethnic diversity became evident, particularly among students of color. Enrollments of students of color bolstered expansive growth in both the total enrollment and total number of community colleges (Nevarez & Wood, 2010). Chief among the many student groups seeking enhanced economic and social mobility through community colleges are Black students. However, access to postsecondary education is not always associated with actual success (e.g., persistence, achievement, attainment, transfer) in college, as community colleges have long struggled to facilitate positive student outcomes for their students of color.

In this light, Black students represent one of the most key demographic subgroups served by community colleges. Simply put, Black students are the greatest challenge and opportunity for postsecondary institutions. Black students are among those most underserved by community colleges. These institutions overwhelmingly fail to provide necessary supports and environments that foster success among these students. However, Black students also account for those students who are the most likely to benefit themselves, their families, their communities, and society (as a whole) from college, provided enhanced success in serving their needs. Moreover, when colleges effectively structure themselves (via programs, policies, practices) to serve the needs of this historically underserved community, they better serve other student groups as well (Lewis & Middleton, 2003). Bearing this perspective in mind, this chapter will address three primary foci. First, the authors will share pertinent demographic information and current trends on Black students in community colleges. Second, they will highlight national data that overview success outcomes and resultant economic implications of these outcomes for society. Third, the authors will explicate research findings and resultant recommendations for practitioners on how to better serve Black students in community colleges. In addressing these three foci, this chapter will be attentive to the gendered realities of Black students. In doing so, the authors will portray the background and status of these students by focusing on uniqueness between Black women and Black men.

Demographic Data and Trends

In this section, we provide context to this chapter’s focus on Black students by discussing the types of community colleges they attend and general student characteristics.

Institutional Characteristics

As of 2012, there were over 12.8 million students enrolled in community colleges; of these attendees, 44.2% were racial and ethnic minorities. Black students represented a third (33.4%) of these students of color (16% of the total population) (National Postsecondary Student Aid Study [NPSAS], 2012l). As noted, community colleges are the principal pathway for students of color into postsecondary education. This fact is also evident for Black students, as 41.0% of Black men and 37.6% of Black women are enrolled in community colleges. In contrast, no other sector of higher education serves such a large percentage of these students (see Table 1.1) (NPSAS, 2012h). This is a noticeable point, given that the vast majority of published scholarship on Black students focuses on their experiences in public four-year colleges and universities, which account for less than a quarter (22%–23%) of their total postsecondary enrollment (Wood & Hilton, 2012). Many Black students are concentrated in city (urban) community colleges. In fact, approximately 51% of Black college students are enrolled in urban colleges. That being said, there is also a sizable portion of these students, about 27% to 30%, who attend suburban institutions. This leaves roughly 19% to 21% of Black students who attend colleges in rural/town areas (NPSAS, 2012i).

TABLE 1.1
Percentage Distribution of Undergraduate Black Students, by Institutional Type, 2012

	Public Four-Year (%)	Private Nonprofit Four-Year (%)	Community College (%)	Private For-Profit (%)	Others or More Than One School (%)
Black Men	23.1	10.1	41.0	18.6	7.3
Black Women	22.1	9.5	37.6	21.7	9.2

Source. NPSAS, 2012h.

Following national demographic concentrations of Black populations, Black community college students are collated in specific regions of the United States. The percentage breakdown by region is as follows: 3.2%, New England; 13.4%, Mideast; 17.4%, Great Lakes; 6.0%, Plains; 37.1%, Southeast; 12.5%, Southwest; 0.4%, Rocky Mountains; and 10.0%, Far West (NPSAS, 2012m). Clearly, these data indicate that Black students are highly concentrated in southeastern community colleges in states such as Alabama (5.8%), Georgia (8.1%), and North Carolina (7.5%). Of course, large populations of these students also attend school in California (8.8%), Illinois (6.7%), and Texas (8.4%) (NPSAS, 2012o). Given these concentrations, it is not surprising that a noticeable percentage of Black community college students attend institutions that meet the federal government’s enrollment threshold for colleges classified as predominantly Black institutions (PBIs). One criterion for a PBI is that the institution enrolls at least 40% Black students. Based on this guideline, 24% of Black students attend institutions that could potentially be classified as PBIs (NPSAS, 2012j). Possibly more interesting is the percentage of Black students enrolled in community colleges that could be classified as Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs). For HSIs, the government has established a population threshold of at least 25% students of Hispanic/Latino descent. In all, 18.1% of Black students attend institutions that meet these specific HSI criteria (NPSAS, 2012k). This fact further reifies the notion that large contingents of Black students are educated in environments with high percentages of students of color.

Student Demographics

Based on federal TRIO standards, low-income students are defined as those who have a total income of $25,000 or less. Using this classification standard, a strikingly high percentage of Black men (at 58.5%) and Black women (at 65.3%) in community colleges are low income (NPSAS, 2012p). Given that finances and financial challenges are often attributed as primary rationales for student departure, this is a salient consideration (Flowers, 2006; Freeman & Huggans, 2009; Mason, 1998). Low-income students are often faced with additive challenges to college success (e.g., paying for classes, books, school supplies, and other school related costs) while attempting to navigate external cost commitments (e.g., rent, gas, electric, familial needs). These factors can complicate students’ success in college. As a result, a large percentage of Black students must work. For instance, 63.8% of Black women work while attending community college. Of these women who work, nearly half (49.1%) work full-time. In contrast, a slightly lower (but still noticeable) percentage of Black men (59.8%) also work while attending school. For Black men, working while attending college can be complicated by the nature of work they are able to obtain (NPSAS, 2012e). Specifically, Wood and Nevarez (2012) found that Black men reported being concentrated in jobs that were temporary/transitional in nature, had late-night hours, and were physically demanding. They concluded that the actual employment opportunities available for Black men challenged their ability to succeed in work and in college. Moreover, recent data indicate that 20% to 21% of Black men and women work multiple jobs while attending school. Multiple jobs concentrate students’ efforts on navigating the cultures and expectations of several jobsites and school simultaneously, making success in either domain (work or school) more difficult.

Other external commitments also influence the experiences of Black students in community colleges. For example, while only 28.3% of Black men attending these institutions had dependents (those reliant on them for support) (NPSAS, 2012c), the primary reason these men attributed to leaving the community college was family responsibilities (Wood, 2012). However, a significantly higher percentage of Black women had such commitments. Specifically, 55.6% of Black women enrolled in community colleges have dependents (NPSAS, 2012c). Most of these women have more than one dependent, with 66.7% having at least two dependents and 33.1% having three or more dependents (NPSAS, 2012d). Given the high percentage of external work and familial commitments held by Black students, it is not surprising that the majority of these students do not attend community college full-time. For instance, 55.1% of Black women and 50.9% of Black men are enrolled in community colleges part-time (NPSAS, 2012f). This is an integral consideration, given that part-time status is typically employed in success models for Black students because it can have a deleterious effect on student success.

A popular misconception of community college students in general is that they are similar to their counterparts in four-year institutions (Wood, 2013). One key area of difference is age. While four-year students typically transition from high school to college and are therefore between 18 and 24 years old, the same pattern is not necessarily evident among community college students. For example, approximately 50% of Black men and 60% of Black women attending community college are at least 25 years of age or older. Of the total Black enrollment in community colleges, 7.2% and 15.6%, respectively, of Black men and women are between the ages of 25 and 29. A greater percentage, 18.1% and 23.2%, is between 30 and 39 years of age. Still yet, 14.3% of Black men and 20.0% of Black women are at least 40 years of age or older (NPSAS, 2012a). Partially, these age differences explain the high percentage of Black students who have dependents, work full-time, and attend school part-time. These data also indicate that the nontraditional student is the “traditional” student in the community college.

One obvious rationale for the age patterns of Black students is delayed enrollment. In fact, 53.6% of Black men and 50.7% of Black women who attend community colleges delayed their entry to postsecondary education after high school. The average Black male student who does not enter college immediately after high school waits 5.6 years before doing so. Similarly, the average enrollment delay for Black women was 5.5 years (NPSAS, 2012b). This could explain why 43.8% of Black men and 49.4% of Black women have taken a remedial course (NPSAS, 2012g). The gap between high school preparation and college enrollment can make once-known concepts harder to remember. For example, students may have taken algebra, geometry, and precalculus during secondary school when they were 16 to 18 years old. However, after nearly six years of delay, at 24, they are then assessed on their ability to perform at college-level mathematics. Obviously, delayed enrollment can then be detrimental to students’ progress in credit course work.

It should also be noted that many Black students do not simply take one remedial course. Often, they are enrolled in multiple remedial courses within and across disciplines. For example, in the 2011–2012 academic year, 30.4% of Black women who reported that they had been enrolled in remedial English took two or more remedial courses. In math remediation, this pattern was even more acute: 36.4% of Black female remedial math takers will take at least two courses or more in remedial math (NPSAS, 2012n). Logically, enrollment in multiple remedial courses can have a negative effect on students’ confidence in their academic abilities, a critical component in student persistence. Finally, a large percentage (71.1%) of students in the community college are also first-generation college-goers. In comparison to their peers, a slightly higher percentage of Black men and women are also first-generation college students, at 74.0% and 79.2%, respectively. Moreover, a sizable percentage of students are also both first-generation collegians and the first in their family to attend college. In fact, 53% of Black men and 55.3% of Black women indicated that they are the first in their family to attend college (NPSAS, 2012e). As such, these students may be less aware of formal and informal practices, structures, and cultural norms in postsecondary education.

Success Outcomes and Economic Implications

While the previous section has provided contextual information on institutional characteristics and student demographics, this section will explore success outcomes for Black students. This section will then conclude by explicating some of the economic implications of attrition for community college students.

Student Success Outcomes

Unfortunately, many students who enter into the community college do not complete their studies; in fact, 38.1% of Black men and 40.8% of Black women left school without a degree within six years. However, 10.6% of Black men and 10.2% of Black women obtained a certificate or degree in the same time frame, while 21.5% and 21.4% of these individuals transferred to a four-year college. A high percentage, 29.8% of Black men and 27.6% of Black women, were either still enrolled or had transferred to a community college. Stated more simply, only 32.1% of Black men and 31.6% of Black women experienced success (e.g., earned a certificate, degree, or transferred) within six years of their enrollment in the community college (Beginning Postsecondary Students Longitudinal Study [BPS], 2009d).

Disaggregation of success outcomes is integral to a fuller understanding of differential student experiences. Specifically, it is important to identify the rate at which Black students complete their associate degrees, given that these are the highest degrees offered in most community colleges. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2014), there are significant differences in graduation rates for Black students at two-year institutions and public two-year institutions. Data for each type (e.g., two-year, two-year public) are presented separately for first-time, full-time students who graduated within 150% of normal time (three years). For two-year institutions, between 2005 and 2008, the percentage of first-time, full-time Black students who completed their academic programs increased from 22.6% to 27.7%; however, the 2004 and 2009 starting cohorts experienced a decrease in completing their respective academic programs. Additionally, there are significant degree completion differences according to gender. Between...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Foreword
• Preface
• Introduction
• Part One: African American/Black Student Populations
• Part Two: Hispanic/Latino Student Populations
• Part Three: Native American/American Indian Student Populations
• Part Four: Asian American and Pacific Islander Student Populations
• Part Five: Caucasian Students in Poverty
• Part Six: Conclusions and Recommendations
• Appendix: Six Fundamental Factors for Improving Student Retention
• About the Contributors
• Index
• Also available from Stylus
• Backcover