Museum diversities in Africa
As we finalised the first draft of this book in the second half of 2020, the iconic District Six Museum in Cape Town, South Africa was facing a threat of closure due to the negative financial impact of the COVID-19 lockdowns. The museum appealed for public financial support to sustain its core functions and for it to remain open. The District Six signifies progressive museum practice, one that has been innovative in working with previously marginalised communities to deal with the atrocities of the past. Its establishment changed the museumscapes, challenging embedded, racialised museum practices entrenched in colonial and apartheid South Africa. Established in post-apartheid South Africa, the District Six Museum morphed into a space for community activism and a site for conversations, commemoration, and engagements on the apartheid wounds of racism, violence, and dispossession of black people (Rassool, 2006a, 2006b, 2010, 2018; Rassool & Prosalendis, 2001). Its missions and modes of engaging and working with local communities epitomise the envisaged redemptive aspects of museums in post-colonial societies.1 However, amid financial challenges worsened by a pandemic in 2020, this independent museum had not received any relief funding from the state, the museum was struggling to sustain its operations. However, the museum eventually received relief financial support from the Western Cape provincial government; this precarious experience exemplifies a general trend globally, where governments get financially constrained to support museums services. Thus, while (national) museums are considered to be the âcultural soul of nationsâ (Arinze, 1999) in any modern nation-state, unfortunately, the reduction of public expenditure on museums is threatening the very existence of museums and other cultural institutions in many parts of the world (ICOM, 2018; Negri, 1995; Strydom, 2017).
The experience of the District Six Museum captures the experiences of many museums and heritage institutions discussed in this volume. Given this placing of independent museums, chapters of this book highlight not only the contributions but also the challenges and prospects facing these institutions. These museums exist at the margins of the mainstream, state, or corporate support systems; hence, they operate on thin financial and human resources bases. They are noble â and even groundbreaking â in their intentions and work much more closely with the grassroots communities, yet they remain largely threatened by challenges of sustainability and lack of resources. While these types of museums are increasing in numbers, attention to them has not been commensurate with their growth (Candlin, 2012, 2016). We argue that these museums, at the margins of normative museum formats, are the next frontier in museum practice and the processes of decolonising and democratising knowledge production in Africa (Simpson, 2007). They are located at the boundaries of indigenous models and parallel practices in the development of the post-museum.
These museums provide convenient, accessible, and more effective platforms for engaging and working with local communities, addressing the relevant issues among the grassroots and dealing with the legacies of colonial museums in Africa. These museums, which are structurally and financially autonomous from the state, face numerous challenges, mainly of financial sustainability. However, they also represent a resilient spirit from individual proprietors and local communities, who adopt museum-making approaches to deal with the everyday challenges among the local communities (Boonzaaier, 2018; Chikozho, 2015; Chipangura & Chipangura, 2020; Forni, 2015; Ndlovu, 2018; Rassool, 2006a; Silvester, 2011). They play a pivotal role in reversing the entrenched disavowal of local ways of knowing and knowledge practices in communities that have survived the test of time, and are firmly rooted within local practices, rituals, traditions, and ways of knowing.
Non-conformant to the standard structures or functions of museums, they adapt but deconstruct normative modes of curatorial practices of collection, naming, classification, and categorisation. Their methods are non-lineal and disrupt the disciplinary demarcations which we have in mainstream museums. Their methods and approach to knowledge production are unstructured and not abrogated by disciplinary experts, preferring the local connoisseurs of knowledge within the community who are organic experts, whose conception of time and materiality is non-linear and fluid. This happenstance and fluidity makes them more relevant to the local societies, as compared to the big state-funded museums that are always located in the urban metropoles and subscribe to universalised approaches to museum practice. Therefore, these small, independent museums present an opportunity for local communities to foreground their cultural selves, curate their own representation, and tell stories from their experience.
While on the one hand, the âprivateâ museums continue to exist at the margins of the (state) structures and exist at the fringes of normative disciplinary practices; on the other hand, this marginality makes them unique and presents an opportunity for the museum fraternity to rethink the place, role, and function of museums at the community level. For Africa, where the history of the development of the museums is intricately entangled with colonial oppression, the independent museums, steeped within the local, offer a good platform to different forms of engagement â perhaps an opportunity to decolonise museum practice in Africa. They present opportunities for the decolonisation of museums because of the way they involve local histories and work with communities. However, their financial and resource bases are limited, and most struggle to sustain themselves. All this is in parallel to state-funded museums, which are relatively stable owing to sustained financial support from central, provincial, or local governments.
A central argument presented in this volume is that privately owned small/independent museums and culture centres should be viewed as sites where new/emergent perspectives in museum and heritage studies can be pursued. These institutions should not remain on the fringe of the academic discourse. Our way of working in compiling this volume points to possible ideas and strategies for effectively working with the ânon-expertsâ in these museums. We adhere to Fiona Candlinâs (2012, 2016) suggestion that we need to shift academic attention and analysis from the big, formal museums, to smaller, independent museums, which she characterises as âmicromuseumsâ. Given the increasing number of smaller, grassroots forms of museum-making, this shift is central to shaping our understanding of museums change and to challenge preconceived, long-held, and normative ideas about what museums are and how they operate (Candlin, 2012, 2016). These spaces allow us to rethink and foreground what these developments mean in the context of global debates on definitions, meanings, and relevance of museums and the link between museums, society, and issues such as cultural rights, decolonisation, and social justice in Africa. The cases highlighted in the volume, mostly written by or in collaboration with non-disciplinary players and non-museum experts, speak to a desire for critical scholarship on privately owned museums and related cultural institutions. The characteristics of some of these institutions challenge and unsettle the inherited, normative definitions and ideas about museums.
A note on terminology
Given the current and ongoing debates about definitions of museums, some attention should be given to terminologies used in the compendium. The current efforts, led by the International Council of Museums (ICOM), are aimed at coming up with a single and agreed-upon definition, covering the diversity of museums and the changing roles of museum institutions in the 21st century (ICOM, 2017; Sandahl, 2019). While we acknowledge the ongoing attempts at consensus, one aspect that lies at the contest is the ability of any new definition to be fully representative of the diversities that now exist in the world of museums globally. In our framing of this text, we move beyond the current ICOM definition, to consider other cultural institutions that draw from the concept and motif of a museum, but might not be perfectly fit to be called museums as per the ICOM definitions. This book deliberately focusses on âindependent museumsâ (Candlin, 2012) which operate outside state funding systems; hence, they often enjoy a great deal of âautonomyâ. We deliberately label them âindependentâ because they âare not administered directly by any central or local government agency or authorityâ (Candlin, 2016, p. 10), and they âare not answerable to a central authorityâ (Vella & Cutajar, 2017, p. 42). This book is concerned with institutions that are run by trusts, businesses, special interest groups, and private individuals, but they are still open to the âpublicâ (Candlin, 2016, p. 12). In this book, the term âindependentâ is deliberately used to highlight that government has no direct control of the programmes and activities at these institutions.
Elsewhere, cultural institutions that are owned by individuals, trusts, and corporate bodies are referred to as private ventures, to separate them from government-owned ventures. Thus, âprivate museumsâ are usually separated from âpublic museumsâ which are state-funded (Xiangguang, 2008). Although the term âprivate museumsâ implies that these are privately owned ventures, we feel that it is an oxymoron to use the term âprivateâ for institutions that are open to the public. Candlin (2016) prefers to use âmicromuseumsâ to highlight the fact that these institutions operate at a comparatively small scale in terms of space, workforce, and visitor numbers. However, in Zimbabwe, we have small museum venues, with a small workforce, like BaTonga Community Museum that is state-funded. Using the term âmicromuseumsâ also leaves out cultural centres that are not regarded as âmuseumsâ by their founders and sponsors, yet they engage in museum-like practices.
In this volume, we also present institutions that belong to grant-aided or quasi-government bodies but still classify them as âindependent museumsâ. These include the Railway Museum, which is run by the National Railways of Zimbabwe, Rhodes Nyanga Historical Exhibition that is run by the National Trust of Zimbabwe, and Gwenoro Ecomuseum which belongs to Midlands State University. The core mandate of the parent organisations is not to run museums; thus, they do not receive public funds to run these institutions. They have been classified as âindependent museumsâ because they do not fall under the purview of the National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe (hereafter NMMZ). Institutions presented in this book come in diverse forms and the only common denominator is that they are not funded and controlled by the Government. There are significant variations under our banner of âindependent museums and cultural institutionsâ. These institutions can be further subdivided acc...