A rich and eye-opening history of the mutual constitution of race and species in modern America. In the late nineteenth century, increasing traffic of transpacific plants, insects, and peoples raised fears of a "biological yellow peril" when nursery stock and other agricultural products shipped from Japan to meet the growing demand for exotics in the United States. Over the next fifty years, these crossings transformed conceptions of race and migration, played a central role in the establishment of the US empire and its government agencies, and shaped the fields of horticulture, invasion biology, entomology, and plant pathology. In Biotic Borders, Jeannie N. Shinozuka uncovers the emergence of biological nativism that fueled American imperialism and spurred anti-Asian racism that remains with us today.Shinozuka provides an eye-opening look at biotic exchanges that not only altered the lives of Japanese in America but transformed American society more broadly. She shows how the modern fixation on panic about foreign species created a linguistic and conceptual arsenal for anti-immigration movements that flourished in the early twentieth century. Xenophobia inspired concerns about biodiversity, prompting new categories of "native" and "invasive" species that defined groups as bio-invasions to be regulatedâor annihilated. By highlighting these connections, Shinozuka shows us that this story cannot be told about humans aloneâthe plants and animals that crossed with them were central to Japanese American and Asian American history. The rise of economic entomology and plant pathology in concert with public health and anti-immigration movements demonstrate these entangled histories of xenophobia, racism, and species invasions.
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In the late nineteenth century plant and insect immigrants from Asia increased dramatically, coinciding with the emergence of a yellow peril image that followed the migration of Asian laborers sojourning to various places around the Pacific Rim. After consolidating a global empire by the turn of the century, the United States began to eye Asia as a key source of transnational Asian migrant labor to supplant slavery. The US also saw Asia as a new frontier for trade, investment, and other economic opportunities. A significant but often ignored dimension of transnational movements, in addition to the more commonly examined flow of capital, bodies, ideas, and technology, is the circulation of plants, insects, and pathogens.1 The movement of flora and fauna, as nonhuman but biological entities, forms a central part of this story. Science, including the health and environmental sciences, marked the Japanese as a foreign invasion in the native-invasive binary during this period.
Dangerous scale from Japan was not included in the desirable group of newcomers. The battle with the cottony cushion scale in 1889 and the appointment of a quarantine officer and inspector for the state of California in 1890 led to the rise of economic entomologyâthe need to classify dangerous insects and appoint individuals who could guard the nationâs ecological borders, especially as they pertain to their economic significance.2 As early as 1891, Alexander Craw, Californiaâs newly appointed state quarantine officer and inspector, discovered in a shipment from Japan and destroyed two orange tree lots, or 325,000 trees, infested with the long scale.3 Craw condemned the trees as a public nuisance with the backing of the California Supreme Court.4 He published a report recounting how he destroyed the âtwo lots of orange trees infested with [long scale] that arrived here from Japan.â He then warned growers that they should carefully examine any trees imported from Japan and that if the scale was found, âprompt measures should be taken to eradicate it before it attains a foothold in the orchard or on adjacent trees.â In this same report, Craw wrote, âThe most formidable of all insects that infest fruit trees in this State are those of the family Coccidaeââincluding the Aspidiotus citrinus of Japan. Craw warned that some of the coccidae could be âfound upon indigenous trees,â carried far distances by wind, bees, birds, or other insects, becoming very destructive in the âsalubrious California climate.â5 Although Craw cited other destructive insects in this publication, clearly Japanese insects posed a costly threat to indigenous trees. Such battles with scale pests occurred within a broader movement that sought to exclude insects and even the plants with which they arrived.
Yet these injurious insects entered US borders within shipments of plants and specimens from Japan because there was a demand for the exotic plants. The establishment of the nursery industry helped facilitate the increasing numbers of plant and insect immigrants. In 1882, Louis Boehmer, a German nurseryman, founded the first nursery that specialized in exporting Japanese plants to Europe and North America.6 Before the Japanese nursery industry had taken off, plant auctions were held in London and New York, providing a way for collectors to purchase premium plant specimens, such as bonsai. In their 1903 catalogue, L. Boehmer and Company declared, âThe growing demand for garden and houseplants from foreign residents of China, Korea, and Japan have induced us to present this condensed list of trees, shrubs, and other plants. . . .â7 Likewise, another export company, Suzuki and Iida, claimed in their 1899 catalogue, âThe demand for Japanese bulbs, plants, and seeds is steadily increasing year by year, and our products have met with the highest approval by all who have bought them.â8 In the Tokyo Nurseries catalogue, F. Takaghi effused, âJapanese plants, and the peculiar art of training them, have recently opened a new field to the gardeners of the West, exciting their interest, and bringing every week something novel to them, as may be easily seen from the many standard papers on landscape gardening and botany.â9
With the increasing demand for Japanese flora and fauna, however, came the increased risk of injurious insects and even fatal plant diseases. In the preface to their nursery catalogue, Suzuki and Iida reassured their customers:
Although at this time government officials and entomologists did not seek to exclude plants altogether, it was virtually impossible to exclude injurious insects and deadly pathogens without excluding the plants with which they traveled.
However, Howard still felt it important that the officers of the State Board of Horticulture remain aware of those injurious insects that could be imported from Japan and the Pacific, such as the Japanese gypsy moth, Oeneria japonica, which could devastate the native biota just as the European gypsy moth had done in Massachusetts. To learn more about lesser known injurious insects, Howardâs predecessor, C. V. Riley, had hired the Japanese entomologist Otoji Takahashi, who had been trained by J. H. Comstock at Cornell University.14 In a report that introduced a newly discovered subgenera, Pulvinaria (Takahashia) japonica, Howardâs colleague, Theodore D. A. Cockerell, wrote:
Mr. Takahashi must forgive me for saying that this is a truly Japanesque insect, and well deserves a subgeneric name which may recall not only its discoverer, but the land from whence come many quaint and beautiful things. . . . [Female:] Legs and antennae very small. . . . Claw straight, a little hooked at end; the usual digitules of claw and tarsus present, but all very slender and small.15
In comparing Takahashi to the insect he identified, Cockerellâs statement illustrates that the Asiatic racial form does not always take the shape of a human body.16 Cockerellâs observations, like those of many other American entomologists of his time, engaged in both orientalist anthropomorphism and naturalization by conferring human traits on insects and likewise endowing Takahashi with the physical attributes of the very pest that he categorized.17 However, these metaphors that humanized and sexualized insects and plants and naturalized Japanese immigrants carried tangible implications that moved beyond the rhetorical.
California serves as an important site to examine these humanized insects and naturalized immigrants.18 The science historian Philip Pauly notes that California became a central location for scientistsâ intervention since it was a ânovel environment where American settlers, European and Asian vegetation, and oriental insects had converged within a few years.â19 California formed a central agricultural region not only due to its climate and fertile soil, but also because of its position along the Pacific Ocean where a great deal of commerce occurred. Additionally, the environmental historian Linda Nash observes that Californiaâs Central Valley has endured a history that includes âthe nearly unrestrained introduction of highly toxic pesticides and nonnative species.â20 In To Make a Spotless Orange, the historian of science Richard Sawyer wrote that ornamentals and other agricultural plants from nurseries posed a threat to California with imported pests:
Almost no native American insects attacked citrus, a foreign crop still expanding largely through the importation of nursery stock. With so much exotic plant material coming in, it was only natural for California to lead other states in enacting plant quarantine legislation. . . .21
However, plant quarantine was no more natural than the racial stereotypes imposed upon Chinese and Japanese immigrants as disease-breeders and the subsequent legislation that barred them at Americaâs medical gates. Furthermore, although many elite entomologists who advocated plant quarantine appeared to do so for practical reasons, scholars such as Pauly and Coates investigate how the exclusion of plants from Asia was similar to the exclusion of Asian immigrants themselves. Linking diseased plant immigrants to the contagious yellow peril that resided in Asian bodies not only blurs the boundaries between ecological and medical borders, but also tells a more multidimensional narrative of the exclusion of these so-called invasions.