According to UNESCO, the most vulnerable and at-risk persons to experience exclusion include students with disabilities, poor students, students from ethnic and linguistic minorities, and indigenous tribes. Unfortunately, the above has proven to be more elusive to implement in schools in developing nations. In particular, the practical implementation of ensuring that all children matter equally in classrooms remains constrained due to a lack of finances, resources, and the maintenance of traditional postcolonial ideologies, practices, and structures in education. Blackman et al. (2019a) argue that many British Caribbean education systems still maintain a colonial structure. As a result, many students find access to, participation in, and navigation of schooling a challenge. The risk of marginalization due to attrition and exclusion remains a concern for educators (Blackman et al., 2019a).
Historical Realities
Historically, the islands of the British West Indies share a common heritage of slavery and colonialism. The powerful influence of colonialism on education in the English-speaking Caribbean is captured in research by Brissett (2019); Miller & Munroe (2014) in Jamaica; Blackman (2017a) and Welch (2014) in Barbados; Carrington-Blaides & Conrad (2017) and Brown & Lavia (2013) in Trinidad and Tobago; Misir (2014) in Guyana; Esnard (2014) in St. Lucia; and Westfield (2012) in St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Some of the common trends in the historical development of education document gender inequality, and largely exclusionary practices. A complete discussion of the influence of colonialism on the education system in the Caribbean is beyond the scope of this chapter. However, it is appropriate that some critical points of convergence are articulated to foreground and assist with understanding the current realities that confront educational equity and inclusion in the English-speaking Caribbean. There is general agreement among Caribbean scholars that educational opportunities remained virtually non-existent for enslaved populations in the pre-emancipation period before signing the 1834 Emancipation Act. While the primary aim of the planters was to maintain their labor force, they nevertheless extended educational opportunities to those slaves whose jobs required basic literacy (Welch, 2014). In the case of white children and boys of the plantocracy, they were educated either in England or by private tutors in some islands like Barbados, Jamaica, and St. Vincent (Blackman, 2017a; Brissett, 2019; Welch, 2014; Westfield, 2012). Welch (2014) contends that poorer whites attended local private schools or foundation schools maintained by charitable donations in Barbados. The same observation is made by Westfield (2012) in the Eastern Caribbean island of St. Vincent. According to Welch (2014), free blacks and mulattoes (the offspring of a white father/mother and a black father/mother) only accessed education âas we approach the post-emancipation period ⌠[with] the introduction of the so-styled Charity School in Bridgetown, the capital city, in 1818â (Welch, 2014, p. 65). Brissettâs (2019) writing on Jamaica notes a similar historical trajectory regarding educational opportunities in the pre-emancipation period for enslaved blacks. His postcolonial analysis of the Jamaican context for the pre-emancipation period is instructive because it shows how the education discourse became polarized along the lines of race, color, and class. He notes that
Thus slavery and colonialism set the stage for the grounds on which educational battles would be fought, primarily along the lines of race, colour and class ⌠other marginalised groups, such as people with disabilities, were largely invisible in this struggle.
(Brissett, 2019, p. 22)
A reasonable observation is that exclusion rather than inclusion was the order of the day and that limited access to and provision of education opportunities maintained a state of inequality.
As with the pre-emancipation period, the discourse on the development of equitable and inclusive education is similar across other islands in the English-speaking Caribbean. For example, in Barbados, St. Vincent, and Jamaica, access to educational opportunities proliferated after 1834 under a charity model that can be linked directly to the leadership of religious organizations, in other words, the church. Blackman et al. (2019a), Brissett (2019), Welch (2014), and Westfield (2012) document the role of the church in educating the newly freed black population. According to Welch (2014), Barbados is a prime example of the role played by the church in education. He states that âthe Church [was] the primary agency for the introduction of mass education in the closing years of enslavement, and the first decades of emancipationâ (Welch, 2014, p. 67). Churches established primary and secondary schools that still exist and bear their names in some Caribbean islands today. In Barbados, as in other islands, the dominant religious groups who were actively involved in the education of freed blacks and colored were the Quakers since the 1600s, the church of England in both the pre- and post-emancipation period, the Moravian, Methodist (Wesleyan), and Baptist churches (Welch, 2014). On the island of St. Vincent, Westfield (2012) adds the influence of the Roman Catholic school on the early development of two schools, namely, the St. Vincent Girlsâ High School and Boysâ Grammar School. These schools still bear the same names today on this island.
Both Brissett (2019) and Welch (2014) note that the funding for education in the post-emancipation period was done through the Negro Education Grant. This grant allotted a sum of ÂŁ235,000 (Brissett, 2019) to provide school buildings, rather than the payment of school fees which would have provided access to an education by easing the financial burden of schooling. Welch (2014) argues that
By and large, funding for education represented a grudging acceptance that there was some need for basic numeracy and literacy among the labouring classes if the landed aristocracy was going to affect any efficiencies in production⌠. While the total expenditure on education amounted to some £3, 678 in 1845, the legislature had only voted some £750 for public education, with the remainder coming from the parochial coffers and from endowments and bequest⌠. The policy emphases of the local legislature more than likely reflected the view that formal education was wasted on the working class ⌠who could not hope to rise above their class position.
(Welch, 2014, p. 69)
Moreover, racism was endemic (Welch, 2014), and this also served to maintain educational inequality among blacks from the lower echelons of Caribbean society. Welch argued that the local legislature determined what levels of education could be accessed by each person in each social stratum. Primary and elementary education would cater to the broad bottom layer of society. At the same time, those who showed more intellectual promise from the white and colored classes would access secondary education. Two critical observations are made by Brissett (2019) in his postcolonial analysis; first, that for the most part, the colonial period reinforced practices that were antithetical to the equity and inclusive education agenda. Second, that âpeople with disabilities ⌠were invisible to the extent that published records and literature on their status as it relates to education is largely absent in historical recordsâ (Brissett, 2019, p. 23). This finding is also true for the island of St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
In todayâs twenty-first-century discourse, these practices remain at variance with the more modern notions of inclusion espoused in international frameworks, conventions, and treaties. Although this is so, there are still very powerful reminders in education that the vestiges of colonialism still weigh heavily on the structures and organization of the education system in the English-speaking Caribbean. The reality is that education exclusion is still practiced in some jurisdictions in the form of selective secondary schooling practices (Pilgrim & Hornby, 2019). Students remain at risk for dropping out (Knight, 2019) and the marginalization of poor students in national assessment practices continues (De lisle, 2019).
Pilgrim and Hornby (2019), writing on the Barbados education system, observed that inherent contradictions exist at the transition between primary and secondary education in many English-s...