Persian Gulf 2019
eBook - ePub

Persian Gulf 2019

India's Relations with the Region

P. R. Kumaraswamy,Md. Muddassir Quamar

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eBook - ePub

Persian Gulf 2019

India's Relations with the Region

P. R. Kumaraswamy,Md. Muddassir Quamar

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About This Book

The book is seventh in the annual Persian Gulf series published by MEI@ND. It is a comprehensive analysis of India's bilateral relations with the nine countries in the Persian Gulf and the GCC and focusses on developments during 2018. It gives a comprehensive account of the strategic, political, economic and cultural aspects of bilateral developments and also provides in-depth analysis of internal dynamics of the Persian Gulf countries. The final chapter offers policy recommendations based on the current state of affairs.

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© The Author(s) 2020
P. R. Kumaraswamy, M. M. QuamarPersian Gulf 2019Persian GulfIndia’s Relations with the Regionhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1432-6_1
Begin Abstract

1. Introduction

P. R. Kumaraswamy1 and Md. Muddassir Quamar2
(1)
School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Delhi, India
(2)
Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses, New Delhi, Delhi, India
P. R. Kumaraswamy (Corresponding author)
Md. Muddassir Quamar
Keywords
India-GulfModiGCCIranPersian GulfTradeExpatriates
End Abstract

Regional Political Challenges

The year 2018 faced several regional challenges such as continuing intra-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) tensions, domestic instability and growing social cleavages and unrest in some. However, Iran continues to dominate the regional scenario. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, India has spent considerable effort in developing and sustaining a fruitful relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Despite the ideological differences over the clergy-dominated political order, since the 1990s various Indian governments have reached out to Iran and sought to explore closer ties with it. Since the visit of President Hashemi Rafsanjani in May 1995, there were three state visits from India and two from the Iranian side. At the same, Iran’s troubled relations with the outside world, especially with the US, have been a stumbling block in both countries progressing to the fullest extent of their interest convergence.

Iran and JCPOA

The arrival of Donald Trump in the White House has made matters worse. In line with his campaign rhetoric, on 8 May 2018, President Trump announced the unilateral US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA ) or the Iran nuclear deal concluded in July 2015.1 Though the move was not surprising as Trump had made his intentions clear since his inauguration in January 2017, his decision to walk away from a carefully and painfully crafted international agreement put the regional dynamics in the Persian Gulf out of gear. The move not only puts Iran on notice for its regional ambitions but also creates trouble for other parties to the JCPOA, namely, the UK, Germany, France, Russia and China who see the nuclear deal as the best way to deal with Iran and its regional ambitions.2
Besides the withdrawal, the US decided to reimpose unilateral economic sanctions against Iran and introduce new ones. These were directed at the Iranian oil industry, which forms a significant sector of the Iranian economy, to curtail its oil exports to any country. Initially, the Trump administration announced a conditional waiver for some countries for six months, which it said would not be renewed. However, on 5 November, eight countries including India3 were given a 180-day waiver for imports from Iran, beyond which they would have to stop their imports completely.4 Under this waiver, India had reportedly agreed to restrict its monthly oil import from Iran up to 1.25 million tons. The sanctions on the oil industry made trading with Iran and countries which depend upon Iranian oil such as China, Japan, South Korea and India in a precarious situation.
In the light of the American withdrawal from the JCPOA and the reimposition of unilateral sanctions, one could visualize four possible scenarios. Firstly, despite the commitment of all other parties, including Iran, the nuclear deal is dead. While the US involvement and backing were crucial for its conclusion, Iran is unlikely to adhere to its commitments in the ...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Front Matter
  3. 1. Introduction
  4. 2. Bahrain
  5. 3. Iran
  6. 4. Iraq
  7. 5. Kuwait
  8. 6. Oman
  9. 7. Qatar
  10. 8. Saudi Arabia
  11. 9. UAE
  12. 10. Yemen
  13. 11. GCC
  14. 12. Policy Options
  15. Back Matter