The Handbook of Global Shadow Banking, Volume I
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The Handbook of Global Shadow Banking, Volume I

From Policy to Regulation

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eBook - ePub

The Handbook of Global Shadow Banking, Volume I

From Policy to Regulation

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About This Book

This global handbook provides an up-to-date and comprehensive overview of shadow banking, or market-based finance as it has been recently coined. Engaging in financial intermediary services outside of normal regulatory parameters, the shadow banking sector was arguably a critical factor in causing the 2007-2009 financial crisis.

This volume focuses specifically on shadow banking activities, risk, policy and regulatory issues. It evaluates the nexus between policy design and regulatory output around the world, paying attention to the concept of risk in all its dimensions—the legal, financial, market, economic and monetary perspectives. Particular attention is given to spillover risk, contagion risk and systemic risk and their positioning and relevance in shadow banking activities. Newly introduced and incoming policies are evaluated in detail, as well as how risk is managed, observed and assessed, and how new regulation can potentially create new sources of risk.

Volume I concludes with analysis of what will and still needs to happen in the event of another crisis. Proposing innovative suggestions for improvement, including a novel Pigovian tax to tame financial and systemic risks, this handbook is a must-read for professionals and policy-makers within the banking sector, as well as those researching economics and finance.

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Yes, you can access The Handbook of Global Shadow Banking, Volume I by Luc Nijs in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Business & Financial Services. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.

Information

Year
2020
ISBN
9783030347437
© The Author(s) 2020
L. NijsThe Handbook of Global Shadow Banking, Volume Ihttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34743-7_1
Begin Abstract

1. Introduction

Luc Nijs1
(1)
Hong Kong, China
Luc Nijs
End Abstract

1.1 Introduction: The Concept of Shadow Banking

If we want to be successful in analyzing what has become a global phenomenon, we need to jump through the complex and difficult hoop(s) of trying to define the concept of shadow banking (SB). That is likely to pose significant problems, at least if we try to be fully comprehensive and as accurate as we possibly can be. We will most likely end up with a cascade of different components of different (existing) definitions and partial descriptions of what altogether might turn out to be a reflection of the shadow banking world. In that sense, shadow banking is effectively somewhat of a parallel universe.

1.2 An Industry with Many Faces

We are therefore at risk of defining ‘shadow banking’ as everything that happens behind the curtain, while everything that happens on the podium, in the limelight and therefore subject to regulation, would then become the officially regulated (and therefore licensed) banking sector. The tone is set: we’re on a mission but unsure yet where we want to end. If we can agree on the fact that the shadow banking industry historically has grown driven by innovation, it will be no surprise to experience that the shadow banking industry is not an accurately defined industry where regulation built a nice framework around and which is now for everybody consistently observable. It has multiple layers, looks and feels different in different parts of the world as it is continuously co-shaped by (different) regulation trying to work its way into the caves and dens of that part of the financial industry happening behind the curtain. Just like water flows to its lowest point regardless of the many hurdles it may face, capital will always flow to that part of the spectrum where it can operate freely (i.e. as unregulated as possible) and generate the returns it is looking for undone of restrictions that the formal banking sector imposes. Not surprisingly that shadow banking therefore is characterized by moving paradigms (or is ‘one’ moving paradigm) with many different layers that requires puzzling together. That way it has become a house with many rooms, each with its own particularities, shenanigans and intricacies.
But let’s not be mistaken: the shadow banking industry is considered a USD 60–75 trillion + industry (depending on how you measure it; on more of that later). To compare: the global economy is valued at around USD 100 trillion. It is therefore not something we can sweep under the carpet, in particular because it is linked to ‘Main Street’ and the ‘regulated part of the global financial infrastructure’. It has generated the attention of policy makers and regulators globally. They are trying each from their perspective, to channel the operations and intrinsic risks of the system via regulation, with a minimum objective of sheltering the official part of the industry and protect the real economy from a potential fallout.
That makes sense as long as we could possibly stick to a reasonable way of regulating industries. For over 100 years now, regulators try to find that equilibrium where regulation can play its role without disproportionately hampering economic activity. We have, during that period, explored every corner of that equation: from communism to socialism to the other extreme opposite which society has come to qualify as neoliberalism. We learned that centralizing policy leads to an implosion of the system and it literally faints under its own weight, caused by the fact that the market dynamics couldn’t play properly and therefore resources were not optimally allocated. It leads many to believe that Western capitalism (and aligned market liberalism) was the only valid model left.1 Recent times have learned us otherwise. The aforementioned ‘neoliberalism’ has been claimed as the major cause underlying the market meltdown in 2008 and everything that followed from there. I beg to disagree. Neoliberalism and its most recent advocates like F. von Hayek, L. von Mises, M. Friedman and the likes indeed have been using varying strategies to submit society to market imperatives assuming that would optimize resource allocation and maximize prosperity for all or at least those that meaningfully used the opportunities a free market provides. Regulatory impact needs to be limited as much as possible as it would unbalance the natural equilibrium the market always will move toward. However, during the last 2–3 decades, the regulatory impact in many countries around the world, including those in many Western capitalist nations, has only increased and in a very significant way. A quick check taught me that in many countries the volume of the ‘official journal’ where legislation is published after it successfully went through the national parliamentary process often quadrupled during the last 2–3 decades. For example, in my own country Belgium, the ‘official gazette’ in 1991, when I started Law School, counted a ‘miserable’ 25,000 pages. That has, in 2018, crept up to well over 100,000 pages. So, there is apparently no lack of regulation but a lack of proper, effective and adequate regulation.
To prove my point, I will go back for a second to the very early days of neoliberalism, that is, right after the crash of 1929. In the early ‘30s of the last century, the mood was understandably anti-liberal. Those remaining liberals joined forces and created the Walter Lippman Colloquium that had its first session in Paris in 1938. During that session where people like Hayek, von Mises and RĂŒstow were present, they discussed the recent book of W. Lippman called The Good Society. In short: their conclusion was that the ‘old’ or ‘laissez faire’ liberalism had failed and that the world was in need for a new sort of liberalism which was coined by RĂŒstow ‘neoliberalism’. Already during the first meeting, it was clear that there was a schism in the group: on the one hand von Hayek and Von Mises and the others represented by RĂŒstow. Von Hayek and von Mises were not prepared to let go of the old ‘laissez faire’ capitalism. RĂŒstow c.s. took a different approach and wanted neoliberalism to create an alternative for the failed classical liberalism while at the same time provide an adequate alternative to the rising communist threat coming from the East. Their proposition, which is the original neoliberal axiom, is that the effective functioning is subject to a strong rule of law (that could avoid concentration in industries as was the case in the last two decades of the nineteenth century in Germany). The rule of law would have to be a partner of the free market to ensure it effective and optimally functioning. To that end the regulator was best placed to provide a regulatory framework within which the free market adequately functions. The regulator was not best placed to do enhanced handholding for the free market as it had proven in previous decades that it could not adequately replace the free market. The free market and the regulator were partners, yin and yang; they were communicating vessels through which society could indicate which values they prioritized at any given point in time and which mechanism re-established the equality of society versus economy. Only 50 years later, J. Habermas, ‘avant la lettre’, concluded that the economy was colonizing other spheres of private and social life. These were the first steps of the submission of society and political life to the imperatives of what was then the beginning of a (globalizing) free market.2 It does not only demonstrate how neoliberalism got adrift already in the early days (it got so bad that Hayek and von Mises called RĂŒstow c.s. ‘socialists of the worst kind’ at later gatherings of the group especially after the group restarted the meetings in Europe after the end of the Second World War), but also that anno 2019 we are still not in a position (by far not) to get that equilibrium right. The regulator, as always, in white heat enacts legislation that tries to micro-manage the industries it tries to regulate rather than provide a framework for effective performance. The regulator wants the market to contribute to its wider objectives and the market needs the ‘rule of law’ in order to not get out of whack and not become subject to the Schumpeterian ‘creative destruction’ competitive markets are continuously exposed to. I’m afraid the shadow banking sphere will undergo the same faith as the rest of the regulated financial sector.
But first we need to go back to our (attempt) of a definition. While the name ‘shadow banking’ seems to conjure an image of a strange, mysterious and parallel universe, the term itself is commonly used, and this despite its pejorative connotation,3 to refer to market-funded (i.e. in contrast to bank funding) credit intermediation techniques. Although the ...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Front Matter
  3. 1. Introduction
  4. 2. The Typology of Shadow Banking
  5. 3. Financial Intermediation: A Further Analysis
  6. 4. Securities Lending and Repos
  7. 5. Central Counterparties (CCPs) and Systemic Risk
  8. 6. Identifying Non-bank, Non-insurer Global Systemically Important Financial Institutions
  9. 7. The Policy Train Chasing Shadow Banking
  10. 8. From Policy to Regulation
  11. 9. What If Things Still Go Wrong: The Quest for Optimal Resolution Regimes and Policies
  12. 10. Money Market Funds Reform
  13. 11. Taxing (Shadow) Banks: A Pigovian Model
  14. 12. An Interim Conclusion: Shadow Banking as Market-Based Financing
  15. Back Matter