Given its central place in the popular perception, racial violence has unsurprisingly figured heavily in suburban fiction, but few have done so as powerfully as Gloria Naylor in her 1985 novel,
Linden Hills. Early in the story, the two young African American men who serve as poet guides through Naylorâs hellish neighborhood, âWhiteâ Willie Mason and Lester âBaby Shitâ Tilson, stop outside a school, where the latter launches a lament regarding the fences he finds surrounding him. These types of barriers, he claims,
get you used to the idea that what they have in there is different, special. Something to be separated from the rest of the world. They get you thinking fences, man, donât you see it? Then when theyâve fenced you in from six years old till youâre twenty-six, they can let you out because youâre ready to believe that what theyâve given you up here, their version of life, is special. And you fence your own self in after that, protecting it from everybody else out there. (45)
Although the scene takes place outside a schoolyard, Lesterâs speech serves as a useful tool for engaging with fictional portrayals of racial exclusion. In this chapter, I will argue that the âfence thinkingâ Lester so eloquently deplores represents another variation of the contractual thought that dominates suburbia; in the same way that contracts assert standard of similarity, racist exclusions assert that non-whites are intrinsically and unchangeably dissimilar. Using the concept of the political as articulated by Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt, which understands community to be formed on the basis of a friend/enemy distinction, I will demonstrate that the emphasis on conformity and exclusion on which suburbia is based invites the racial violence that has marked its history. The three novels I examine here will refute this ideology by picturing moments of critical hospitality that undermine the subject positions that sustain fence thinking. Richard Fordâs
Independence Day deals with gentrification from the Caucasian perspective, with a narrator who tries to extend welcome to non-whites while unsuccessfully maintaining his normative position. Similarly, the Asian narrator of Chang-rae Leeâs
A Gesture Life ingratiates himself to his white neighbors by refusing responsibilities to his family and loved ones, who eventually force him to rethink his behavior. Finally,
Linden Hills features characters who replace fences with intersubjective mirrors, imagining a community that understands other people, even undesirable people, are necessary to create an identity.
Defending Suburban Ways of Life
As discussed in the preceding chapter, proponents of explicit neighborhood contracts consider them practical applications of classical social contract theory. The members of the communityâin this case the homeownersâdetermine its character and devise a legal framework to protect it. They justify this arrangement by appealing to notions of freedom and equality, of individual agency to choose oneâs associations; however, a cursory glance at the application of this ideal in suburban America reveals a history of exclusion and often outright violence directed at non-WASPs, primarily African Americans. The third act of Lorraine Hansberryâs 1959 play A Raisin in the Sun powerfully illustrates the effects of this phenomenon, in which a racist HOA prevents the African American Younger family from purchasing a house in an all-white Chicago suburb. The HOA representative makes his appeal on the grounds of familiarity and identity, stating that âa man, right or wrong, has the right to want to have the neighborhood he lives in a certain kind of way. And at the moment the overwhelming majority of our people out there feel that people get along better, take more of a common interest in the life of the community, when they share a common backgroundâ (III). Tellingly, Lindner only mentions race in passing, directing most of his appeal to notions of individuality and homeownerâs rights. According to this logic, the expulsion of the Youngers is only an accident of space, a moment of localized self-rule divorced from larger social and racial issues.
Several observers have traced the history of suburban racial exclusion to these liberal ideologies. David M.P. Freund argues that the racial covenants of the pre-war period and the violence and white flight of the postwar decades are rooted in nineteenth-century racial science, which âfigured prominently in the early planning movement because urban congestion and unregulated development were often associated with migrant blacks, immigrant Asians, and immigrant Europeans, the populations whose cheap labor (and often squalid living conditions) made the eraâs rapid industrial and commercial growth possibleâ (55). As these theories fell out of favor, a new myth based on white achievement and government aid to African Americans during the Civil Rights movement took its place, which understood white success as the inevitable result of its peopleâs predilection to homeownership, and the need for government intercession as evidence of non-whitesâ inherent inability to care for property. With these myths in place, whites âjustified racial exclusion by invoking what they viewed as nonracial variables: protecting the housing market, their rights as property owners and, linked to both, their rights as citizensâ; so when they refused hospitality to potential neighbors of color, they did so on the grounds of something other than race (8â9). âWhite suburbanites (and urbanites) still discriminated against blacks after World War II because they were black,â Freund writes, âHowever, whites increasingly believed that they were discriminating not because black people were inherently different but rather because black peopleâfor whatever cultural or market-driven reasonâposed a threat to communities of white property ownersâ (12â13). This history results in what Brooks and Rose have called âghost doctrines,â in which the connotations of exclusion still inform property law, remapped into language of communal cohesion. Ironically, racial covenants were more common in âwhite neighborhoods where the neighbors were reasonably well off but did not necessarily have particularly strong internal norms among themselves,â and less necessary in those with a cohesive identity (8â9). They stem from an ideology that allows âowners to tailor their control over neighboring uses, and because these restrictions are ostensibly private and consensual, they can do so in considerably greater detail than would be possible through publicly imposed constraints like zoning. Even more than public regulations, residential restrictive covenants allow home buyers to pick and choose among packages of limitations, knowing that the limitations will stick with the properties even when some of the neighbors sellâ (48). As this emphasis on tailoring demonstrates, the language of individualism that âhauntsâ these ghost doctrines invites exclusion for those who do not belong. As Freund succinctly puts it, âSuburban officials and homeowners learned to see political autonomy and land-use control as practically synonymousâ (219).
The connections between âpolitical autonomyâ and âland-use controlâ that allow communities to choose their own character have remained a stumbling block for those who have tried to forcibly integrate suburbia. The most prominent example is George Romney, the former Michigan governor and director of the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) during Richard Nixonâs first term. Despite resistance from both suburbanites and an administration preparing to orchestrate a re-election campaign built on support from conservative homeowning whites, Romneyâwho had witnessed firsthand the disarray caused by exclusion in Detroit suburbsâmade de-segregation a primary departmental goal. Declaring that â[w]eâve got to put an end to the idea of moving to suburban areas and living only among people of the same economic and social class,â Romney executed âOperation Breakthroughâ in 1968, a HUD mandate to help African Americans purchase houses in middle-class neighborhoods (qtd. in Lamb 63). Operation Breakthrough took a punishment/reward approach to integration, allowing âlocalities [that] waive restrictive requirements in their building codes and zoning ordinancesâ to receive âlow-income housingâ and to be given âhighest priority when applying for other forms of HUD assistanceâ; however, if the city refused this carrot, âRomney threatened to rely on the stick as well, cutting or even revoking HUD assistance to communities refusing to cooperateâ (Lamb 64). The policy angered homeowners and their representatives, as indicated by Georgia congressman Fletcher Thompsonâs warning that HUD âmust endâ initiatives like Operation Breakthrough or âsuburbanites would make every effort to over-turn the administration, which they believed was denying them their quality of life and devastating their property valuesâ (Lamb 67). And as Fletcher predicted, suburbanites from Macon, Georgia to Warren, Michigan launched sometimes violent protests to express their dissatisfaction. The latter, within Romneyâs own home state, provided a concise example of the backlash he received as Warren residents resented HUDâs 1970 decision to suspend the funds on which the working-class town relied. Although Romney did his best to frame the HUDâs actions as a defense of citizens already in WarrenââLook, weâre not going to bring any people hereâŠWeâre not going to ask you to provide housing for anyone other than those who want to live in Warrenââmayor Ted Bates responded with language that characterized the Department as a bunch of meddlers who want to use Warren âas a guinea pig for integration experimentsâ (qtd. Bonastia in 106â107). The mayorâs rhetoric underscores the assumption driving the racial exclusion: he is not barring African Americans, but rather protecting the rights of his community. If the community deems African Americans as too other to join, so be it.
Despite this incident and the many others like it, recent data seems to endorse Romneyâs vision. The economic prosperity of the mid-90s has created what Brookings analyst Audrey Singer calls âtwenty-first-century gateways,â in which the suburbs of Charlotte, North Carolina and Phoenix, Arizona replace the ethnic ghettos of New York and Detroit. On a more disparaging note, Brookings researchers also find that the economic downturn impacting suburbia has âcut across the blue and red political divide,â making suburbs into the âquintessential political battlegroundsâ (Berube âShiftingâ). And yet, high-profile acts of violence remind us of the persistence of âghost doctrinesâ and the ideologies on which they are based. In February of 2012, neighborhood watch volunteer George Zimmerman trailed, wrestled with, and eventually fatally shot unarmed African American teenager Trayvon Martin, who was walking back to his home in a Florida gated community. In November of the following year, African American motorist Renisha McBride was shot and killed by Theodore Wafer after she knocked on the door of his suburban Detroit home in the middle of the night, looking for help for her disabled vehicle. Both of these cases differ from traditional stories about suburban violence in important waysâZimmerman identifies himself as Latino, and Waferâs possible senility may have contributed to his actionsâbut the assumptions are familiar. The African American victims are labeled threats simply because of their race and their presence; in both cases, the shooter feared for his life because an other had entered a space in which they were not allowed. In that way, these incidents correlate with traditional anti-integrationist violence, which share a primary assumption that âoffenders do not want minorities in their neighborhoods because they feel that the very presence of minorities will lead to the ruin of the offenderâs white neighborhood in a variety of waysâ (Bell 107).
To better address this connection, particularly in light of the violent need for security and the emphasis on âways of lifeâ discussed here, I turn to the political theology of Nazi Jurist Carl Schmitt. It may seem irrelevant, if not outright inflammatory, to equate the behavior of American suburbanites to Nazi ideology, but Schmittâs vision of community based on exclusion, to say nothing of his emphasis on the possibility of war, provides terminology to analyze the âcolor-blindâ racial violence enacted by some suburbanites, particularly as imagined by authors of suburban fiction. 2 According to Schmitt, the legal structure founded in the state âpresupposes the concept of the politicalââthat is, the communal interactions that are codified in lawâand all of these âpolitical actions and motives can be reducedâ to the division âbetween the friend and enemyâ (19, 26). Simply put, the friend and enemy are understood according to their relationship to a communityâs perceived way of life. Although individual members enforce the nomenclature by identifying friends and enemies they encounterââEach participant is in a position to judge whether the adversary intends to negate his opponentâs way of life and therefore must be repulsed or fought in order to preserve oneâs own form of existenceââSchmitt stresses that these designations are not founded on personal biases; âthe morally evil, aesthetically ugly or economically damaging need not necessarily be the enemy; the morally good, aesthetically beautiful, and economically profitable need not necessarily become the friend in the specifically political sense of the wordâ; so while it may be âadvantageous to engage with him in business transactionsâŠhe is, nevertheless, the other, the stranger; and it is sufficient for his nature that he is, in a specially intense way, existentially something different and alien, so that in the extreme case conflicts with him are possibleâ (27). This emphasis on the metaphysical aspects of the enemy, as a figure whoâdespite the decisions or aspects of any one individual (save the sovereign) represents all that is antithetical to a groupâgives his thought a universality that helps us think about communities in the USA.
For example, the language of the first Federal Housing Administration (FHA) zoning handbook echoes Schmittâs emphasis on the communal enemy. These guidelines, writes Kenneth T. Jackson, specially highlight the similarity according to communal aspects by advocating âsuitable restrictive covenantsâ used to avoid âinharmonious racial or nationality groupsâ in neighborhoods (208â209). According to David Fruend, the FHAâs guidelines allow the community to decide for itself who or what is considered inharmonious: âIn other words, if a city council or zoning board declared a particular land use to be a threat to the communityâs safety and welfare, and if it created restrictions that outlawed or controlled that use, the courts were instructed to accept the communityâs judgment. Once local elites identified a particular land use to be inharmonious, the law said that it was soâ (87). It is this idea that Abraham Levitt, founder of the postwar suburb Levittown, invokes when he defends racial contracts; he identifies himself as âa Jewâ with âno room in my mind or heart for racial prejudice,â but also insists that âif we sell one house to a Negro family, then 90 or 95 percent of our white customers will not buy into the communityâŠThis is their attitude, not oursâ (Kushner 106). Levittâs rationale here embodies both the non-racial discrimination identified by Fruend and the disavowals attempted by Mr. Lindner in A Raisin in the Sun, who expressed personal admiration for the Youngers while insisting that a community could decide who it admits or rejects. This line of thought recalls Schmittâs insistence that âthe enemy is solely the public enemy, because everything that has a relationship to such a collectivity of men, particularly to a whole nation, becomes public by virtue of such a relationship,â and as such, the enemy âin the political sense need not be hated personallyâ (28â29). According to this logic, the feelings Linder or Levitt or any other suburbanite might have about would-be African American neighbors is irrelevant, because they are fundamentally enemies and would be better off among their own friends.
Schmittâs theories also help explain the acts of violence that accompany suburban exclusion. Schmitt repeatedly insists upon the practical reality of his political concept, arguing that the friend/enemy designations have meaning âprecisely because they refer to the real possibility of physical killingâ and âremain a real possibility for as long as the concept of the enemy remains validâ (33). It is important to recall here that the first Levittown subdivision, which sparked the suburban boom of the last 70 years, was a product of war: it was facilitated by industrial techniques perfected in World War II, first inhabited by vets returning from the front, and promoted by the US government as an alternative to Soviet-style communism. Furthermore, the anti-integrationist violence described by Bell is justified by concerns about security, as indicated by the defenses launched in the Martin and McBride shootings: they were real enemies who were viewed as actual threats, and action must be taken. Rhetoric surrounding suburbia focuses on the reality of the enemy, of the barbarian in the city, and the âinevitabilityâ of killingâin the proliferation of private firearm ownership to defend oneâs family, in the erection of gates and employment of private security firms, in the covenants that determine who may live within a neighborhoodâand continues to operate according to the friend/enemy distinction.
Finally, Schmittâs intellectual history as a social contract theorist is particularly helpful when examining the disruption of contractualism illustrated in suburban fictions about racial plurality. Once again, these suburban contractsâexplicit or implicit âghost doctrinesââserve to make individuals legible as friends or enemies to their neighbors. The person who shares a groupâs way of life will demonstrate him or herself to be a friend, not only in performing the role of a âgood neighborââfor example, mowing the lawn, owning the proper mod cons, adhering to social standardsâbut also in being understood as capable of being a good neighbor. If they fail to uphold these terms or if, as Fruend has found, they are predetermined to be incapable of doing so, then they are expelled. But suburban fiction rarely portrays relationships in such clear and static terms, and rejects the friend/enemy distinctions that allow for suburban racial exclusion by telling about people who find their assumptions called into question and are forced to redefine themselves in relation to the other they did not want.
This is particularly true of the three novels examined in this chapter. Although they are all written well after the Civil Rights peri...