The Spaniards pursued the Indians with bloodhounds, like wild beasts; they sacked the New World like a city taken by storm, with no discernment or compassion; but destruction must cease at last and frenzy has a limit: the remnant of the Indian population which had escaped the massacre mixed with its conquerors and adopted in the end their religion and their manners.
The conduct of the Americans of the United States towards the aborigines is characterized, on the other hand, by a singular attachment to the formalities of law. Provided that the Indians retain their [savage] condition, the Americans take no part in their affairs; they treat them as independent [peoples] and do not possess themselves of their [lands] without a treaty of purchase; and if an Indian nation happens to be so encroached upon as to be unable to subsist upon their territory, they kindly take them by the hand and transport them to a grave far from the land of their fathers.
The Spaniards were unable to exterminate the Indian race by those unparalleled atrocities which brand them with indelible shame, nor did they succeed even in wholly depriving it of its rights; but the Americans of the United States have accomplished this twofold purpose with singular felicity, tranquilly, legally, philanthropically, without shedding blood, and without violating a single great principle of morality in the eyes of the world. It [would] be impossible to destroy men with more respect for the laws of humanity. [Original French: On ne saurait détruire les hommes en respectant mieux les lois de l'humanité.]1
This opening quotation was authored by Tocqueville in 1835, in his major opus,
De la dĂ©mocratie en AmĂ©rique, comparing and contrasting the colonizing methods of the âSpaniardsâ and those of the Americans, juxtaposing the naked violence of the former with the constant concern for legality, if only in appearance, of the latter. This contrast, not devoid of irony, may be naĂŻve and somewhat historically inaccurate, as both âSpaniardsâ and Americans resorted to a combination of violence and legal tools in their colonizing enterprises. Yet more than four centuries after the âdiscoveryâ of the Americas, it raises a key question, concisely expressed by the last sentence: in the original French,
on ne saurait dĂ©truire les hommes en respectant mieux les lois de lâhumanitĂ©. The stylistically clever antithesis hides a major political and philosophical interrogation: How does one exterminate âlegallyâ and even âphilanthropicallyâ? How does one destroy entire communities while upholding and even forging the notion of shared humanity, its defense, and a system of legality built around it?
This interrogation serves simultaneously as the starting point and the underlying thread of the book and chapters to follow. Tocqueville was writing during the nineteenth century, and his positions regarding colonialism are far from benign; however, the paradox he so stylistically highlights dates as far back as the discovery of the Americas itself and brings us to the very roots of modernity. Early modern political and legal theories illustrate only too well this art of âlegal/philanthropic destructionâ: indeed, the articulation of natural law into universalizable human rights coincides chronologically with expanding colonialism and increasing contacts with non-European populationsâpopulations that were then denied those very rights. More than a historical coincidence, this chronological concomitance, marking the beginnings of modernity, cannot be dismissed as an object of study on the grounds of the ambient racism and ethnocentrism of the times, but instead reveals deeper intellectual, philosophical, and political connections. To analyze and understand these connections, three notions will be introduced and articulated: âAmerican Imaginaries,â âAboriginality,â and finally âAboriginalismââall meant to encapsulate the paradoxical relationship between Old and New Worlds so cleverly highlighted by Tocqueville. The focus is accordingly placed first on intellectual rather than physical contacts between the two continents, as experienced by the literate elite of the Old World, in particular its philosophers and political thinkers; and second, on the specificity of the differentiating mechanisms at stake, the form of otherness and the relation to difference that âAboriginalityâ captures, as well as its impact on the political and legal theories of the time.
Working through this intellectual landscape, it will become clear that, paradoxically but pointedly, early modern social contract theory, while opening up the universalizing potential of human rights, actually supposes and necessitates an original discriminationâthus undermining any hope for true, inclusive, universality. This discrimination operates at a theoretical level, as a simplifying binary, affirming the possibility for an âotherâââan-otherâ human or an âun-civilizedâ human. It also claims historical sense, when social contract theory, as a dynamic process, proposes a path to civility and proper government, bound to become an all-powerful road to civilization, one that leaves many behind. The theoretical discrimination then becomes actual, with its share of exclusion and violence: it finds its concrete expression in the colonizing practices of Western Europeans in the Americas (North and South). New colonies in general, and the Americas in particular, bring unprecedented novelty for Europeans, and provide a space for discovery, experimentation, and the unleashing of their wildest fantasies. As the worldâand with it, humanity altogetherâis fully âdiscovered,â universalization becomes a real horizon; humanity is âwhole,â human nature graspable, and universal human rights are within purview. Yet, the possibility for radical otherness must be preservedâan outside providing a concrete limitation is necessary to the stability and actualization of this new system of rights. The historical, concrete, unfolding of this binary, the exploring Europeans and their âdiscoveredâ other, as well as the violence, the events and policies that have marked American colonial history, however, are outside the scope of this study; what interests us is its unfolding at the intellectual and discursive level, more precisely its expression within political theory, uncovering some of the mechanisms and logics linking âAb-originalâ Americas and early modern social contract theory. How is the imaginary of the âAboriginal/natural manâ reflected in the political theory of the time? What type of exclusion is expressed through references to the Americas and âsavageâ men? What is so specific about this relation to otherness, this making and re-enacting of âAboriginalityâ?
Two sets of issues arise from these questions, or rather, two distinct levels of study: on one hand, questions regarding the relationship between ideas, theories, and historical reality; and on the other hand, questions regarding the particular articulation of Aboriginality and civilization at work in the period under study, that is, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Western Europe. The three key words highlighted above are meant to address these two levels of analysis.
1.âAmerican Imaginariesâ
The notion of American imaginariesâmore precisely, âAmerican social imaginariesââis used to identify a few recurrent themes, images, and tropes characterizing the travel literature on the Americas, as well as the common perceptions and conceptions circulating in Western Europe at the time. At the root of these âsocial imaginariesâ is the prolific Renaissance and early modern travel literature; it is made up of relaciones (relations), correspondence, diaries, and reports from explorers, conquistadores, and observers, chronicles, and reports. This travel literature includes fiction as well, with many popular and influential works intricately and elegantly mixing the American, the Classical, and the medieval imagery of the monstrous and barbarous.
âSocial imaginaryâ is approached here, following Charles Taylor, as: âsomething much broader and deeper than the intellectual schemes people may entertain when they think about social reality in a disengaged mode, [but rather as] the way people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations.â
2 It can be studied at a discursive and inter-textual level, but it also keeps in mind larger social histories, calling upon both written and oral traditions, their transmission, and effects on mentalities and opinions. The notion is kept deliberately vague and open,
3 providing flexibility very well suited to the object âAmerica(s).â American social imaginaries are replete with heterogeneous and contradictory images, fantasies, and pseudo empirical knowledge; travel literature mixes empirical claims with fiction, and uses the long detour of the New Continent to talk about and critique the Old. This diversity, messiness almost, is well illustrated by the cohabitation of two powerful myths, the ânoble savageâ and the âdirty dog,â sometimes found within the same textâdepending of the mood of the author and the amicability of the individuals encountered at a given moment.
4 American social imaginaries are multiple and heterogeneous; nevertheless, amid this variety, recurrent associations, mechanisms for comparison, and concerns appear: concerns about the reality of the Americas, its potential wealth, the resources and wonders it may hide, the morality of its customs and mores, its place in Christianity, and ultimately, its very nature and place within the world of human affairs.
Aboriginality, on the other hand, refers to a first âreduction,â homogenization, and simplification of these American Imaginaries. Through legal and political examinations of the âQuestion of the Indiansâ during the Renaissance first (Vitoria and the Salamanca School), and in seventeenth-century social contract theories, the challenge and ungraspable difference presented by the New Continent is progressively subsumed under a set of powerful binary distinctions: natural vs. civil/artificial, savage vs. civilized, âAb-originalityâ vs. civilization. The mechanism of the state of nature plays a crucial role, Chaps. 4 and 5 will show, in this transformation of âAmerican social imaginariesâ into a simplified âAboriginalâ one, operating as a counterpart to nascent ideas of civility and civilization, embodying a specific form of primitivismâone in which the exotic other, as natural and original, provides the key to human nature and new insights into the origins of society and government.
The term âAboriginalityâ is to be understood in this study not only in relation to early modern characterizations of the Americas, but also against the emerging idea of civilization. At this stage, a few warrants may be introduced. At first sight, the term faces two obvious problems: the first being the risk of anachronism and the second consisting in its heavy luggage, its diverse usages around the world, and its multiple meaningsâvarying from one area to the other. Both problems are linked, leading to the following pitfall: using the term âAboriginalityâ when studying sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe seems to be uncritically associating the reality of individuals and nations nowadays called âAboriginalâ to the racist prejudices and misconceptions about âsavagesâ and âbarbariansâ of earlier writers. Because the term âAboriginalâ is sometimes used today to refer (more or less objectively) to indigenous peoples around the world (Aborigines being even the standard term used to describe the ensemble of continental Australian indigenous populations), its connotations and biases are not always obvious. By contrast, terms such as âsavageâ or âbarbarianâ are obviously biased and derogatory. The blatant negativity and prejudices associated with those terms may have made them better suited for the critical perspective intended here. Moreover, they also most often correspond to the vocabulary and terminology used by the authors under study. âAboriginal,â on the other hand, appears at first more innocent, even potentially descriptive.5 It is thus necessary to remind the reader that choosing this lexicon ought not to be misread as an endorsement. The study proposed in this dissertation does not refer to the reality and the existence of actual populations, past or present, but rather tries to show how perspectives on otherness, indigenous populations in general, and American indigenous populations in particular, form a complex network of tropes and meanings that can be best accessed as a construction of âAboriginality.â It highlights, once again, that conceptions of the âotherâ are often nothing more than misconceptions of âoneself,â a wild imagination having more to do with oneâs own ethnocentric conceptions of the world than an actual knowledge of the other.
The critical potential of âAboriginalâ and its cognates is not evident yet powerful: âAboriginalâ and its substantive, âAboriginality,â carry in their etymology connotations of utmost significance. âAboriginalityâ decomposed is the character of what is deemed
ab-origine. The connotations implied in this Latin expression are especially appropriate to the topic: an essence stemming from the very beginning of times and things. It indicates an
a-historical or truly
pre-historical moment (literally and logically situated before and outside history), while civilization
6 becomes synonymous with historical times and progress. This explains the strategic choice of âAboriginalityâ as an object of study and an analytical lens through which social contract theories shall be read. The current use of the term then adds another critical layer, reminding us that our own contemporary understanding of Indigeneity and Aboriginality is dependent on intellectual (discursive and lexical) frameworks inherited from early modernity. Therefore, the critique envisioned in the book, although dealing with past authors, is indirectly addressing our very contemporary mode of thought and subjection, as will be shown in Chap.
6. This justifies again using a contemporary terminology, which too often remains unexamined.
The neologism, âAboriginalism,â is meant, evidently, to echo Edward Saidâs Orientalism (1979). Saidâs seminal work and the type of Foucauldian discourse analysis he has been carrying in his eponymous book still influence very mu...