Effective Policing?
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Effective Policing?

Implementation in Theory and Practice

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eBook - ePub

Effective Policing?

Implementation in Theory and Practice

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About This Book

This book provides a unique insight into the way policing is performed. By embracing both organizational management issues as well as operational police business such as crime reduction and detection, firearms, disorder, organised crime and terrorism, it provides a comprehensive overview of contemporary police theory and practice.

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Year
2013
ISBN
9781137026798

1

‘There Are Police and There Are Police’: Exploring the Complexity of the Police Operating Framework

Introduction

In moving between police forces in England and Wales, it is most striking that whilst they are all essentially engaged in the provision of the same service, they all feel very different in terms of their attitude and culture. That difference is not just between the large urban forces and smaller rural forces, each force has its own distinct cultural identity. This culture and attitude not only affects the way staff in each force relate to each other, it also affects the way in which they deal with the public they serve.
Chief Officer, UK police
Addressing delegates at a recent conference on policing, Professor Herman Goldstein (2012) used the phrase ‘there are police, and there are police’. This cryptic phrase highlights the diversity found within policing, whether across different countries, different police agencies or even within a single agency. How can this level of diversity exist? Mawby (1999) argues police agencies can be differentiated at an international level on the grounds of legitimacy, function and structure. The British police, for example, obtain their legitimacy on the basis of public consent, which separates them from other agencies that rely on the support of a government dictatorship. Secondly, in Britain the services (or function) provided by the police are operationally independent of the government, and range in scope from tackling organized crime to advising on neighbourhood disputes. This may differ from other countries that either restrict the service they offer or expand on them to include such matters as border control or the collection of taxes. Finally, the British police adhere to a local structure, whereas other countries (such as Japan) favour a national structure. Of course there are many variations; for example, although the USA has implemented a local approach, it in fact has 12,766 local police agencies, 3,067 sheriff’s departments and 1,481 special jurisdiction agencies, creating greater co-ordination problems than that of the UK (Mastrofski & Willis, 2010).
Unfortunately, Mawby’s useful analysis only takes us so far and does not explain why some police agencies may differ within the same country. For example, some are shown to be more susceptible to allegations of corruption or the unlawful use of Force, whilst others appear more effective in reducing crime and improving public confidence. This variation can even be seen within individual police agencies, with some departments or units favouring a specific strategy, utilizing specialist squads more frequently, or using technology and specialist equipment more effectively. This chapter seeks to explore the reasons behind this diversity and to explain how it impacts upon effectiveness. To do so it constructs a simple framework showing how a variety of external and internal factors can affect policing, dependent on the context. Furthermore, because numerous permutations can be generated within this framework, it is able to explain why diversity in purpose, style and effectiveness can be observed across and within police agencies. It also explains why the implementation of policing initiatives can be driven off course. The reader will notice that themes highlighted in this chapter will be constantly repeated throughout this book, as different facets of policing are discussed.

Section 1: External factors that influence
the effectiveness of the police

The police as an institution reflect society; whilst external influences have always affected the police, this section will show how these changes are now occurring more rapidly and with greater intensity. In specific terms, this section will list five external factors that combine to make contemporary society an increasingly challenging environment to police.

(a) Late modernity and the contemporary policing
environment – keeping pace with change

At a macro level, political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal changes are constantly occurring in society. These influences affect how the police are perceived, how they are organized and how they operate. However, it is only when perceived from a distance that the full impact of this evolution can be understood. Commentators such as Garland (2001), Lea (2002) and Young (2007) argue that following a relatively stable period between the 18th century and the 1970s, society started to alter with increased speed. This latter period, variably referred to as post, late or liquid modernity, late capitalism or the risk society became synonymous with globalization, privatization, capitalism and the improved mobility of people, goods and information across international borders (Young, 2007). Whereas the accumulation of wealth was able to support continuity and social cohesion in the 19th century, this was unfortunately no longer the case in the latter part of the 20th century (Lea, 2002). Instead, developments such as individualism, consumerism, mobility and the move from manufacturing to a service/information-based economy all conspired to fragment society.
These high-level changes have affected society in many ways, including the way society perceives and delivers crime control. Garner (2001) argues that the period of late modernity has been characterized by a continued sense of crisis, coupled with a view that the public can and should be protected at all times. This has led to rational and systematic responses to quantify and counteract risk, which have ultimately served to reduce individual discretion and increase the level of control on the population (Moss, 2009). Garner (2001) describes the emergence of a ‘new punitiveness’, as populist demands for more retribution and less rehabilitation are answered. Indeed, in recent years, prison levels have increased throughout much of the world (whilst crime has been reducing), and this is particularly true of the USA, where, at its height, 1 in 34 of the US population were, at any one time, either in prison, on probation or parole (Young, 1997), a situation that has now started to ease as the financial cost becomes prohibitive in times of increased austerity.
Other changes, such as increased mobility, have also led to new policing demands. Whereas in 1950, Britons travelled an average of five miles a day, this figure has now increased to 30 miles, with the next generation expected to travel 60 miles per day (Moynah & Worsley, 2000). Urry (2007: 4) reveals that in 1950 there were 25 million arrivals at international airports, whilst in 2010, that figure is in the range of 1 billion. This movement has created an increasingly congested, urbanized, multi-cultural population that has led to numerous policing demands. One of these has been increased community polarization on grounds of affluence and race, leading in turn to increased community tension and protest. Furthermore, the advent of low-cost air travel has transformed the pattern of drug trafficking, people trafficking and counterfeiting, whilst virtual networks have increased the level of e-crime, such as pornography and fraud. Other commentators have illustrated the impact of increased consumerism. At a general level, personal choice has become increasingly important, leading to more sophisticated consumers who expect the police to provide tailored responses akin to those observed in the private sector (i.e. improved response times and enhanced customer service). At an operational level, the regeneration of towns and cities has led to a 24-hour society where consumers benefit from increased retail opportunities and a vibrant night-time economy, which again has increased and fragmented the demand profile for policing.
As society evolves, policing must adapt to its challenges. Adherence to local models of policing in Britain (and other parts of the world) means that individual police forces respond in different ways, with different levels of professionalism and different degrees of responsiveness. However, as the next element illustrates, it is no longer just the police who respond to these challenges.

(b) Partnership and plural policing

When evaluating the effectiveness of the police we should remind ourselves that the police as an institution are only one element of policing. In fact, ‘policing’ refers to the general process of preventing and detecting crime, and maintaining order, which many agencies or individuals engage in. This resonates with one of Peel’s principles, upon which the Metropolitan Police was formed in 1829:
The police, at all times, should maintain a relationship with the public that gives reality to the historic tradition that the police are the public and the public are the police; the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent upon every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence.
(Lentz & Chaires, 2007)
Partnership working is described as a ‘co-operative relationship between two or more organizations (that are otherwise independent) to achieve a common goal or outcome’ (Berry et al., 2011:13). Community safety problems are often complex, and responsibilities for such issues often lie with a number of different organizations. Indeed Goldstein (1990) argued that the police cannot ultimately be effective in reducing crime and disorder, as they lack the tools with which to solve the underlying causes of the problems that confront them. For example, persistent offenders may require assistance from health services to control their drug or alcohol problem, or they may require employment/housing services to help establish some stability in their lifestyle. This means the police can play a more effective role in sustainable crime and disorder reduction when they act in partnership with other statutory, business or voluntary partners. However, the process of working in partnership with others is not simple. The Audit Commission (1998) set out the following key ingredients of good partnership working:
  • Clear shared objectives
  • Realistic plans and timetable for reaching objectives
  • Commitment from partners to acknowledge the community safety partnership work when undertaking mainstream activities
  • Deciding a framework of responsibility and accountability
  • High levels of trust between partners
  • Realistic ways of measuring partnership achievements
The police as an institution have a long history of working in partnership with other individuals and agencies, and this approach has had mixed success. As studies show, multi-agency partnership increases implementation challenges. For example, even in Britain where the Crime & Disorder Act 1998 sets out the statutory requirements for public sector agencies to work together, numerous multi-agency inspections have shown that partners may inadvertently work towards different objectives, whilst leadership becomes ambiguous, and information sharing can be limited (Audit Commission, 1998; Home Office, 2007).
Notwithstanding these challenges, the importance of partnership has been promoted as an effective means of doing business. This is especially true as more commercial agencies have become associated with policing, often referred to as the ‘mixed economy’ or ‘pluralization’ of policing. Garland (2001) argues that this change has occurred through ‘responsibilization’, whereby the state continues to play an important regulatory role (steering) but transfers the responsibility for personal security onto the citizen (rowing). Within this context four issues are pertinent. First, there has been an increased sense of public insecurity causing citizens to supplement public policing with private services. Second, the increase of consumerism has meant that there are now large areas of private space and property to be protected (e.g. shopping malls). Third, the public police are often viewed as overpriced and are only used for a minority of the tasks they are trained to deliver, whilst routine tasks can easily be performed by a less expensive workforce (Johnston, 1992). Finally, globalization has enabled many international corporations to amass significant power and resources, allowing them to dictate personal security measures and standards across international boundaries. The result of these four factors is that many countries have passed on critical functions (i.e. surveillance, security and immigration control), to private companies, whilst extra security services have been commissioned for the benefit and reassurance of the private consumer.
Loader (2000) summarizes the multi-faceted nature of this mixed economy by outlining five dimensions of plural policing:
I. Policing by government (traditional public-funded police forces, i.e. NYPD, Metropolitan Police Service)
II. Policing through government: those activities co-ordinated and funded by the government but delivered by agencies other than the police service (local government-funded street wardens and antisocial behaviour officers)
III. Policing above government (transnational police agencies such as Interpol, Europol, United Nations)
IV. Policing beyond government: activities funded and delivered privately by citizens and corporations (i.e. private security – guarding stadiums and shopping malls)
V. Policing below government: voluntary and community activities (such as neighbourhood watch and community support groups)
Perhaps the largest transformation has been in the private security industry, which has expanded dramatically since the mid-1980s. A recent examination of private security companies (PSCs) across 70 countries established that PSC personnel outnumber public police by 1.8:1, which if extrapolated would mean there are approximately 255 million PSC staff across the world (Small Arms Survey, 2011). Other studies have shown that specific companies are gaining a considerable foothold in this field – for example G4S is reported to employ 530,000 staff in 115 countries (Abrahamsen & Williams, 2009: 2). These numbers vary greatly according to geography, with the public police remaining in the majority for 56% of the surveyed countries. This includes Europe, and in particular the UK, with studies reporting a proportion of 0.9:1. However, countries that show the public police to be in the minority include India (5:1), South Africa (2.6:1), USA (2.3:1), Australia (2.2:1), China (1.9:1) and the Russian Federation (1.3:1).
Although private policing generates significant benefits, there are also concerns surrounding its expansion. First of all, if a private security firm fails to deliver contracted services, then the public sector are asked to intervene, a situation observed when G4S announced their inability to deliver sufficient security staff immediately before the London Olympics in 2012. Secondly, private security agencies practise less oversight and accountability in comparison to the public police. Finally, there are also concerns surrounding social justice, due to the possibility of people being refused admittance to general commercial areas based on their appearance and background. In summary, it appears the police are no longer the monopolistic guardian of public security, as a combination of police, wardens, private security staff and citizens all assist in this task. It is therefore important, before judging the effectiveness of the public police, to establish where their responsibility and accountability actually starts and finishes.

(c) The role of the police and how they are measured

Though in most industries statistics can be monitored in order to track levels of efficiency and achievement, it is difficult to judge the effectiveness of the police without knowing their purpose or role. For example, we know the effectiveness of a car manufacturing company, as annual reports reveal the level of their inputs (staff numbers and operational costs), outputs (number of manufactured cars and car parts) and outcomes (profits and share-price). However, the simple question ‘What are the Police for’ has been subject to intense debate for many years. The British police originated in 1829 with aims of preventing crime, the protection of life and property, and the preservation of public tranquillity. In 2007, the British Home Secretary (John Reid) added the ‘detection of crime’ and ‘bringing offenders to justice’ onto this list, leading to the first ever UK National Policing Plan (later called the Community Safety Plan 2008–11), which had the following priorities:
  • Reduce crime and focus on more serious violence, serious acquisitive crime, alcohol-related crime and disorder, and antisocial behaviour
  • Increase public confidence and satisfaction with the police
  • Work in partnership to deliver a more effective, transparent and responsive Criminal Justice System
  • Work jointly to tackle serious and organized crime and to provide other protective services
  • Work with and through local communities to disrupt, deter and respond to terrorism and violent extremism
  • Make the best use of resources to achieve efficiency and productivity improvements
These priorities (a mix of inputs, outputs and outcomes) identify the diversity of police work and will probably be replicated in many places across the world. Bittner (1970) argues that two critical issues differentiate the police from other organizations: the fact that they have large numbers of staff constantly available to deal with any situation and their ability to use legitimate force when appropriate. These factors mean that the police can be viewed as the agency of last resort, capable of responding to most situations. Newburn and Reiner (2007) state that the police deliver a diverse range of services that includes reassuring the public, peacekeeping, state security, order maintenance, crime investigation and crime reduction. H...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Title
  3. Copyright
  4. Contents
  5. List of Tables
  6. Preface
  7. Acknowledgements
  8. 1 ‘There Are Police and There Are Police’: Exploring the Complexity of the Police Operating Framework
  9. 2 The Fundamental Building Blocks of Police Effectiveness
  10. 3 Reducing Crime
  11. 4 Investigating Crime and Bringing Offenders to Justice
  12. 5 Policing Critical Incidents and the Use of Force
  13. 6 Investigating Serious Organized Crime and Terrorism
  14. 7 Conclusion
  15. References
  16. Index