British Chinese Families

Parenting, Relationships and Childhoods

C. Lau-Clayton

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2014
• ISBN:
  9781137026613
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

Based on repeat interviews from a range of generational perspectives, this book explores the nature of contemporary British Chinese households and childhoods, examining the extent to which parents identify themselves as being Chinese and how decisions to uphold or move away from 'traditional' Chinese values impacts on their child-rearing methods.

1

Introduction

In recent centuries, there has been an incremental movement of people out of Greater China to overseas countries. This migration has led to the development of multi-generational Chinese communities all over the world. Currently, 35 million Chinese people are estimated to be living in other countries (Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the United States 2012). North America, Western Europe and Australasia appear to be the most popular receiving countries, but there are also movements to less obvious places, such as Eastern Europe, Siberia, Central Asia and Africa (Jacobs 2004). Due to the widespread dispersal of Chinese migrants, a global network of Chinese communities has now resulted (Ma 2003).

In the United Kingdom (UK), Chinese settlement and relocation can be traced back to the 1840s (Au and P’ng 1997) and, since then, Chinese migration flows into the UK have been occurring at a steady and uninterrupted pace (Benton and Gomez 2008). The latest figure from the Office for National Statistics (ONS 2012) suggests that 400,000 Chinese people reside in the UK today, which represents 1.2 per cent of the overall British population (ONS 2012). Such figures do not account for the large number of undocumented Chinese individuals in the UK, which is estimated to be anything from 150,000 to 200,000 (Wu, Sheehan and Guo 2010). Overall, the Chinese population represents the third largest – and also the fastest growing – UK ethnic community group (Baxter and Raw 2002; ONS 2009). Although there has been a reasonably long history of British settlement, research interest in and political focus on the British Chinese community does not reflect its long-standing presence. As most of the research concerning Chinese households, migrant or otherwise, comes from Greater China, America and Canada, a specific focus on British Chinese families warrants further attention.

1.1  Questioning existing literature: Chinese homogeneity

The Chinese community is often portrayed as being culturally homogeneous (Schneider et al. 2000), with traditional values and practices remaining influential (Chau and Yu 2001). It is these cultural norms that are used to explain Chinese people’s educational achievements and occupational success stories. Amy Chau’s publication Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother (2011) and the television programme Meet Britain’s Chinese Tiger Mums (shown by the BBC in January 2012) have also popularised such perceptions within the public domain.

The existing literature depicts Confucian and collectivist principles as remaining strong within the Chinese family, which inevitably affects parenting approaches, parent–child relationships and childhood experiences. Due to the Confucian importance of filial piety and hierarchy, for example, Chinese parents are typically viewed as being authoritarian in nature. Such norms not only lead to distant parent–child attachments, but also the assumed subservient nature of Chinese children. Arguably, such viewpoints conceive British Chinese individuals as cultural dupes (Baker 2004) who adhere blindly to Chinese cultural values and are wholly bound by them. By viewing the individual as being heavily influenced by fixed and static cultural norms, it presents a non-realistic portrayal and explanation of British Chinese lives and interactions. As opposed to viewing culture as a one-dimensional concept, this book supports arguments which see culture as fluid and malleable to change, in which cultural identities can be diverse and varied. In recognising cultural diversity and difference, the concept of diaspora, which is linked to globalisation and migration, also illuminates the possibilities of hyphenated cultural identifications for migrants and their descendants (Mavroudi 2007).

When rethinking the nature of culture and cultural identities for Chinese individuals, a series of unanswered questions arises from the current literature. For example, if individuals are capable of multiple cultural identities, what is the true extent of Chinese and Western cultural norms within the contemporary British Chinese household? How do hybrid cultural practices, both of parents and children, shape British Chinese family life? What other influences, aside from culture, can be seen to impact on British Chinese childhoods? Contemporary research studies with ethnic families are still heavily reliant on cultural explanations. Consequently, the importance and overlap between contextual features, structural variables and individual differences are still not accounted for (Phoenix and Husain 2007). In such a context, this book hopes to address some of these unanswered questions with regard to British Chinese families. The issues concerning culture, origin, settlement and hybridity are discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, to help illustrate the many levels of heterogeneity within the Chinese diaspora. In contrast to the majority of studies which view Chinese people as a homogeneous ethnic and cultural group, it is argued that migration histories, settlement patterns and personal trajectories, as well as cultural identities, are capable not only of influencing an individual’s life experiences, but also of affecting family dynamics.

1.2  Where are Chinese children’s voices?

Another concern within existing studies is the lack of Chinese children’s perspectives. In the limited studies where Chinese children are included, they are not seen as influential beings; rather, they are viewed as objects of adult concern and judged on their future potential worth. When exploring Chinese childhoods, it is vital that children’s own accounts and perspectives are sought after and highlighted. As argued within the new sociology of childhood, children should be seen as social actors who not only influence their own lives, but also the lives of others. In support, other studies have found that children do, in fact, play an important role in the household and the dynamics within (Smart, Neale and Wade 2001). However, popular discourses within a Western and Eastern context typically portray children as dependent beings who are entirely reliant on parents and adults. Such childhood constructions consequently conceal the agency of children within different domains and relationships. In Chapter 4, theories such as the new sociology of childhood, generationing and the life course perspective reveal how perceptions of children’s ineptitude has arisen from particular historical, social and cultural discourses, as opposed to any supposed ‘naturalness’. The social construction of childhood and the implications of such constructions are not acknowledged in the existing studies of Chinese families. Instead, British Chinese children are viewed as being submissive to adult authority due to Confucian ethics. When questioning Chinese children’s passivity, the following questions emerge: What is the extent of British Chinese children’s agency? What examples of their agency and influence can be seen within the home? Specifically, what roles do British Chinese children play in household functioning and the relationships within? By utilising the writings of the new sociology of childhood, this will help raise the voices of Chinese children, whilst bringing about a fuller understanding of British Chinese family life. This is not only important on a theoretical level, but also helps to raise the profile of UK Chinese children more generally, as advocated by the National Society for Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC 2005).

When deconstructing childhood itself, Chapter 4 explores how constructions of ‘the family’ have helped to create, sustain and reinforce societal assumptions of children’s vulnerability and dependency. ‘The family’ is often seen as the nuclear ideal, where each family member has prescribed roles and responsibilities in accordance with their age and gender. Parents are seen as independent individuals who are providers for their dependant offspring. This can be observed within a Western and Eastern framework. However, writers of late modernity such as Beck (1992), Giddens (1992), Beck (1992) and Beck-Gernsheim (1995) have suggested that societal changes, such as detraditionalisation, have created a climate in which personal relationships are no longer tied to the traditional values of heterosexuality and familial obligation; instead, individuals are free to choose and create the types of relationships they want. The importance of people’s own biographies and attachment choices, then, creates a divergence of relationship possibilities and family formats. However, Western writings of family diversity and choice are not highlighted in the current literature concerning British Chinese families, as the focus is on the nuclear or corporate (extended) family model. Consequently, there is limited representation of different Chinese living arrangements and their influence on children’s lives. British Chinese families who do not conform to the nuclear or corporate ideal undoubtedly need to have a voice within research.

1.3  British Chinese family research: a new focus

When reviewing the literature, the following observations become strikingly apparent.

Firstly, despite calls for more insights and knowledge of ethnic minority families within the UK, British Chinese households remain under-researched. Secondly, available studies are over-reliant on Chinese cultural norms for explaining individual behaviours and relationships, despite concepts such as cultural hybridity and diaspora. Thirdly, Chinese children are not seen as social actors or agents within research, which conceals their voices. Lastly, research with Chinese families concentrates on the nuclear or corporate model, despite the suggestion of family diversity and difference in the modern age. Clearly, there is a need for more extensive research on British Chinese families that acknowledges the fluidity of culture, Chinese children’s agency and family heterogeneity. Such issues have subsequently formed the backdrop of this book. As current research predominantly focuses on Chinese parenting methods and the lack of parent–child intimacy, this provides two interesting points of research focus. Furthermore, the lack of recognition of Chinese children’s agency presents another valuable direction for investigation. Essentially:

•  What are the parenting approaches of Chinese parents in the UK, and what influences their child-rearing methods and decisions?

•  How are Chinese children social actors, and how does their agency impact on the contemporary British Chinese household?

•  What levels of parent–child intimacy and closeness can be seen within modern British Chinese families?

1.4  Research methods

In examining British Chinese parenting approaches, Chinese children’s agency and parent–child intimacy levels, a total of 72 semi-structured interviews were undertaken within a doctorate study in the North of England. This study was funded by the Economic Social Research Council (ESRC) and undertaken in accordance with the Council’s Real Life Methods Node. Twelve British Chinese families were invited to take part in the study to explore parents’ and children’s accounts of family life and relationships. Each parent and child participated in multiple interviews to allow the accumulation of in-depth qualitative data. Such an approach also provided respondents with the opportunity to elaborate on and clarify their accounts. A more detailed discussion about the research methodology is examined in Chapter 5. The empirical data concerning British Chinese parenting approaches, Chinese children’s agency and parent–child intimacy levels will be explored in Chapters 6, 7 and 8, respectively.

The concluding chapter argues that British Chinese family lives offer a diverse and flexible experience, one that is not guided by Chinese cultural norms alone. Instead, parenting approaches and subsequent family interactions (i.e. agency of the child and closeness in the parent–child dyad) are reliant on the personal factors of British Chinese parents and children, the quality of the parent– child relationship and the impact of wider society. Furthermore, British Chinese parents’ upbringing is also a significant feature when determining parenting behaviours within the home. By considering individual factors, family diversity and children’s agency, a more holistic account of British Chinese family lives can be gained. Such accounts not only provide new insights into British Chinese childhoods, but also help to challenge the homogenous findings of Chinese households from the past.

2

Chinese Migration Patterns

In this chapter, the emergence, settlement and diaspora of the Chinese overseas, including the British Chinese population, will be explored. The long and complex history of Chinese migration helps to overshadow the lay prejudicial view of Chinese people as being part of a homogenised and uniform group. Furthermore, by focusing on the concepts of diaspora, hybridity and translocalism, cultural identity is argued to be fluid, malleable and multiple. As such, Chinese individuals and those with Chinese ancestral roots cannot be lumped into a single social category; neither can they be assumed to have the same features and characteristics as a result of a common heritage. Such accounts are vital if we are to appreciate and understand the diversity of contemporary British Chinese households and childhood experiences.

2.1 International migration patterns

The migration of Chinese individuals to overseas countries is not a standardised process and therefore is difficult and complex to define succinctly. There are no available dates accounting for its beginning and there are various contextual backdrops for the individuals involved. Despite migration occurring for many centuries, in the context of recent times, two general patterns of Chinese migration can be observed, one before and one after the 1960s (Ma 2003). Before the 1960s, the migration of Chinese individuals was quite uniform in terms of departure points, destination countries and the migrants’ backgrounds. Migrants were mainly poor and uneducated young male peasants from the South of China – the Guandong, Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, although a small proportion of migration also occurred from the northern and western areas of China (Cartier 2003). The Americas and the coastal urban centres of Southeast Asia were popular destination countries, and there were strong patterns of movement between the region of emigration and the new area of settlement. For example, most of the Chinese population in the Philippines were from Fujian in the Hokkien region and the majority of the Chinese in California were from Guangdong, specifically the Taishan area (Ma 2003). Migrants to Southeast Asia were attracted by the entrepreneurial opportunities to be found in developing trade and industry, whereas migrants to the Americas often took up work as farmers or labourers in mines, plantations and rail construction (Benton and Gomez 2008).

With regard to the country of departure after the 1960s, emigration still continues from various parts of China, including the provinces of Fujian, Guandong and Zhejiang. However, Taiwan, Hong Kong and other Southeast Asian countries have also become dominant sources of migration. Since the 1960s, Taiwan’s fears of military invasion from China and also the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997 created an environment of political uncertainty and instability, which encouraged a large proportion of outward migration at the time. Similarly, there was Chinese remigration from Southeast Asian nations, due to the rise of negative socio-political conditions experienced by the Chinese in certain countries. This included the overt discrimination and hostility against the Chinese population in Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam. Those who remigrate are classified as ‘twice migrants’ (Benton and Gomez 2008) and their ethnic origins are often unknown (Skeldon 2003). Many Chinese individuals at the time remigrated to China or headed towards the West. Western destinations were popular, due to the relaxation of immigration policies during the 1960s (for the UK, United States and Canada) and 1980s (for Australia and New Zealand). Migration from Hong Kong, Taiwan and other Southeast Asian countries often involved well-educated and well-off business people and professionals; the socio-economic backgrounds of Chinese migrants prior to and after the 1960s can be seen to be in sharp contrast (for a more detailed discussion, see Ma (2003) and Skeldon (2003)). In comparison with their predecessors, Chinese migrants after the

1960s enjoyed improved legal status in their new country, due to their more diverse economic and educational backgrounds (Ma 2003).

Following China’s decision in 1978 to relax its restriction laws on its citizens moving overseas, Chinese external migration increased substantially from the 1980s onwards (Fang 2000). For example, there was increased governmental support for Chinese students to study abroad in order to modernise China, as a reaction to the country’s ‘brain drain’ problem which arose during the strict communist period. Many who left became permanent residents in their host country (Benton and Gomez 2008). The recent evolutions of movements are not only from China, but also from the peripheral areas of Hong Kong and Taiwan, which are a part of Greater China (Skeldon 1996).

The movement of illegal Chinese migrants has been another trend since the 1960s. Some illegal immigrants have left China without the government’s permission; others have gained unlawful entry into the host country; some simply overstay in the destination country or fail to observe the conditions of visitation (Benton and Gomez 2008). Currently, illegal Chinese immigrants have been attracting news headlines and reports worldwide. This is due to the inhumane methods of transportation and the unethical and illegal practices by those who assist with the process. Unrealistic monetary demands are often placed on the migrant, which reportedly are in the region of £20,000 or more (Pieke and Xiang 2007). Cases of forced labour, abusive work practices and sexual exploitation of Chinese women are also associated with such migration activities (Lo, Lawthorn and Kagan 2011).

North America, Western Europe and Australasia continue to be the most popular receiving countries for new migrants. There has also been movement to less obvious places, such as Eastern Europe, Siberia, Central Asia and Africa (Jacobs 2004). The diversity of the chosen destination countries has resulted in a global network of Chinese communities (Ma 2003). In addition to the array of resettlement choices and the migrant’s country of origin post-1960s, the division of language, class, political persuasion and legal status adds to the heterogeneous nature of the Chinese communities who reside overseas (Benton and Pieke 1998). Such differences can be illustrated by the UK Chinese population.

2.2 Chinese migration to the UK

It has been estimated that 2.8 million Chinese migrants reside in Europe today (...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Series Editors’ Preface
• Acknowledgements
• 1. Introduction
• 2. Chinese Migration Patterns
• 3. Themes within Current Research
• 4. Theoretical Framing
• 5. Methods of Enquiry
• 6. Contemporary British Chinese Parenting
• 7. Agency and Action of British Chinese Children
• 8. Levels of Intimacy between British Chinese Parents and Children
• 9. Conclusions
• Appendices
• References
• Index