Migration, Globalization, and the State

R. Brickner, R. Brickner

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781137033765
• Topic: Scienze sociali
• Subtopic: Sociologia

Drawing evidence from North and South America, Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, the contributors illustrate that even within the common framework of economic globalization, the ways in which the interests of state actors and the agency of migrants intersects continuously shapes and reshapes both home and destination societies.

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Exploring the Dynamic Intersections of Migration, Globalization, and the State

Rachel K. Brickner

Migrations past and present

Human migration has long been a feature of the global system. In the era of European colonialism, the voluntary migration of Europeans to Africa, Asia, Oceania, and the Americas would export the Westphalian state system on a global level. Through the mid-19th century, the forced migration of approximately 15 million slaves from the African continent to the Americas enabled the development of global empires and a global economic market, and reshaped the racial composition of the Americas (Ahern, this volume; Castles and Miller, 2009, pp. 80–82). Prior to World War I, economic opportunities in the Americas prompted a wave of European immigration to the United States, Canada, Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay that would facilitate nation-building and expansion, and further change the racial and ethnic composition of those countries (Solimano, 2010). Whether the causes of migration have been rooted in economic, political, religious, or cultural factors, migrants have played an instrumental role in shaping their destination societies and, indeed, the course of global politics.

Although global migration slowed after World War I—a product of reduced economic opportunities, nationalist sentiments, and the implementation of a stricter visa system—global migration began to increase again in the 1970s and has continued unabated. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), there are now approximately 214 million international migrants worldwide,¹ which would make international migrants the fifth biggest country by population (IOM, 2011, p. 49).

Of these international migrants, some 60 per cent migrate from the global South to more prosperous countries in the global North (South–North migration). While the South–North migration pattern continues to dominate, the migration landscape is increasingly complex. As some countries in the global South become more economically prosperous, migration between them (South–South) has become increasingly dynamic (Cave, 2012; Romero, 2012). In its 2005 report the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) estimated that South–South migration now accounts for 40 per cent of international migration (GCIM, 2005, p. 6). Patterns of migration to the South have become even more dynamic in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, and we are now witnessing ‘reverse migration’ as Europeans hard hit by the economic crisis are finding better opportunities in Latin America (Boudreaux and Prada, 2012; IOM, 2012).² There are, additionally, an estimated 740 million migrants who move within their home country (internal migration). As such, an estimated 1 billion, or one in seven, people in the world today are migrants.

The IOM estimates that 49 per cent of the world’s migrants are women (2011, p. 49), and there are important gendered qualities and implications of migration. Although it was once assumed by researchers and policy-makers that men were the principal migrants, who would sometimes be followed by their wives and families (Dobrowolsky and Tastsoglou, 2006, p. 18), the vibrant research that has been conducted on women and migration, including several of the chapters in this volume, has brought to light both the incredibly diverse experiences of female migrants (Dobrowolsky, this volume) and some common characteristics of women’s migration, including the prevalence of migrant women’s labor in the global caregiving industry, women’s susceptibility to violence, and the ways that intersections of race, religion, and class influence women’s experiences as migrants (Ehrenreich and Hochschild, 2002; Pickering, 2011; Pratt, 2004; Sassen, 2000).

Regardless of migrants’ gender, their motivation for migrating, the duration of their stay in a destination society, or whether they move across or within borders, more than ever, migration continues to dynamically (re)shape destination countries and cities, communities of origin, and, of course, the lives of migrants themselves. This continuous reshaping offers a point of entry into understanding the relationship between migration/migrants, actors and policies of home and destination societies, and the global economy in which they are embedded. Understanding these relationships and drawing out their broad implications is the goal of this volume. For example, whether individuals migrate as elite, highly skilled workers, documented unskilled workers, or undocumented irregular workers, the presence of migrants in destination countries is contentious. Policy-makers and stakeholders in the business community may view migrants as important, even necessary, to address certain labor or skill shortages. Indeed, some researchers have argued that liberalized migration regimes would drive up the global and national gross domestic product (Klein and Ventura, 2007; Mukand, 2012) and can do so without a negative long-term impact on the wages of citizens and nationals (D’Amuri and Peri, 2011). On the other hand, other stakeholders may view migrants as a threat to national identity, culture, and security, a drain on public resources, or an explanation for stagnating wages and unemployment (Solimano, 2010, pp. 8–9). For example, following trends elsewhere in Europe, the anti-immigrant party Golden Dawn has been gaining popularity in Greece in the wake of the country’s debt crisis (Economist, 2012a). Even internal migration may be contentious, as migration to major urban centers can strain already limited housing, employment, and other resources (Davis, 2007).

Migration also can have a significant impact on countries and communities of origin. Remittances to countries of origin from international migrants represent a significant source of income for migrants’ families and national economies, and are often cited as a major benefit of migration (Brigham, this volume; Economist, 2012b). The IOM estimates that US$440 billion was sent in remittances in the year 2010, of which US$325 billion went to countries in the global South (IOM, 2011). On the other hand, there is much debate over the impact of (especially) international migration on human resources. The migration of unskilled workers can relieve unemployment stress, although many studies also note how migration from rural areas can dramatically change the demographic make up of sending communities (Fitting, 2010; Hellman, 2009). In some fields, especially business, the migration of highly skilled workers can create global networks that facilitate technology transfers and investment of business capital. These networks contribute to the phenomenon of ‘brain circulation’, which has been said to contribute to economic development in the global South (Dadush and Shaw, 2012; Ong, 2006; Solimano, 2010). However, in sectors such as public health, the migration of doctors and nurses can contribute to ‘brain drain’ and put further strain on already stressed systems (Solimano, 2010).

And what of migrants themselves? For those migrating voluntarily, whether unskilled or skilled, migration can mean better economic, educational, and professional opportunities, and improvements to quality of life. Highly skilled migrants, who are viewed by destination governments as better able to contribute to national economic competitiveness, often receive social benefits and easier access to permanent residency than unskilled or undocumented workers (Ong, 2006; Solimano, 2010). For those individuals who are trafficked or compelled to migrate internationally, or are internally displaced because of civil conflict or financial or environmental crisis, opportunities can be much more uncertain (Gibbs, this volume).³ Regardless of the reason for migration, without full rights of citizenship, migrants have a more limited political voice and can be vulnerable to exploitation, discrimination, and abuse in their destination societies (Dobrowolsky, this volume; GCIM, 2005, pp. 1–2; Solimano, 2010, pp. 18–19). And even migrants with legal status can find that their ‘foreignness’ is an obstacle to accessing legal remedies in response to such experiences (Garcia, 2012, Chapter 4). Given the contentious nature of migration, its uneven effects, and the vulnerabilities facing migrants themselves, there has been a call for greater international cooperation in setting out widely agreed upon principles for effective migration policy that would ensure that the benefits of migration are shared by destination countries and communities, origin countries, and migrants themselves (GCIM, 2005; Solimano, 2010).

Migration, globalization, and the state

In many ways, globalization is at the heart of both international and internal migration, so understanding the ways in which global cooperation and national policy can ensure the shared benefits of migration requires an examination of the concept of globalization itself. In its 2005 report, Migration in an Interconnected World, the GCIM notes:

The world has been transformed by the process of globalization. States, societies, economies, and cultures in different regions of the world are increasingly integrated and interdependent. New technologies enable the rapid transfer of capital, goods, services, information and ideas from one country and continent to another. The global economy is expanding, providing millions of women, men, and their children with better opportunities in life. But the impact of globalization has been uneven, and growing disparities are found in the standard of living and level of human security available to people in different parts of the world.

(2005, p. 1)

The GCIM report links migration to globalization in three major ways. First, labor markets around the world increasingly rely on migrant labor, especially in countries with aging populations and declining birth rates, and those experiencing rapid economic growth. In fact, the report notes that without migrant labor, certain industries would collapse for want of workers. Whether the labor is classified as skilled or unskilled, migrant labor has become essential to the functioning of the global economy. As such, the GCIM recommends replacing the ‘skilled’ and ‘unskilled’ labels with the term ‘essential’ workers. Second, globalization has increased the speed and methods of global communication and transport. Not only can potential migrants discover opportunities more quickly but they can move between home and host communities more quickly as well. Finally, the existence of diasporas from previous periods of migration creates global communities that can welcome and absorb new migrants into the host society (GCIM, 2005, pp. 6–7). Accordingly, the report suggests that migration should be a positive-sum phenomenon insofar as it offers migrants new opportunities, host communities an influx of essential workers and new sociocultural agents, and home communities income through remittances and links to global social and economic networks.

And yet the report also highlights the tensions that arise in a global economic system where goods, services, capital, and information move more freely across borders than people. Indeed, the movement of people across borders is still tightly controlled by the state. Government policies, and the interests and stakeholders motivating them, matter in understanding whether or not migration will be a positive-sum phenomenon. There are two key areas where state policy matters for migration. One is the set of policies specifically focused on migration—policy that determines who can (and how to) achieve legal status to work, study, or join family members; policy that grants legal status for refugees and asylum-seekers; and policy aimed at helping migrants and refugees to integrate. As the GCIM notes, the interests shaping these policies are contested because the political stakeholders who influence migration policy are embedded in local politics, which often portrays the entry of foreigners as a threat to employment, wages, public resources, language and culture, and even security. Despite these concerns about integration, the GCIM also notes that states rarely have effective policies for ensuring that migrants can integrate effectively to become productive members of the host community (GCIM, 2005, p. 10).

The second area involves policy related to trade, economic development, and the constitution of the labor market. Such policies will also have a significant effect on migration by creating or closing economic opportunities for migrants, whether legal or not. Even so, the GCIM notes that the stakeholders whose interests shape these policies tend not to understand the impact that they can have on migration, meaning that the two areas of policy often exist in tension with each other (GCIM, 2005, p. 2). As Castles (2004) has noted, even policies intended to address economic needs by expanding opportunities for migrants have had unintended consequences. In short, while migration is both an integral characteristic and a product of globalization, the intersections of globalization, migration, and government policies that implicitly and explicitly shape migration are complex, and they unfold differently for different groups of migrants in different national contexts.

This collection of essays explores the intersections of economic globalization, government policies, and migration (understood in terms of both the process of movement, and the agency and experience of migrants themselves). By exploring the concept of globalization beyond a general idea of interconnectedness, the contributors to this volume illustrate the ways that economic globalization shapes state structures and government interests in ways that make international and internal migration more likely, yet often more precarious. At the same time, we show how the effects of economic globalization on government policy are mediated by national and local economic interests, ideologies, and perceptions.

As such, we emphasize that while there is a critical link between globalization and migration, there is no singular causal relationship between the two. On the one hand, for example, national immigration policies have been shown to vary along with changes in the dominant economic regime. Immigration policies have generally become much more liberal during periods of global economic expansion and more restrictive during periods of economic contraction (Solimano, 2010, Chapter 4). As noted, however, the effects of globalization on government policy are not limited exclusively or linked explicitly to immigration policy. Rather, sometimes in responding to the demands of the global economy, government policies create the contexts in which different migrant experiences unfold. For example, Cynthia Joseph’s contribution to this volume illustrates how economic liberalization in Malaysia has increased labor mobility, and the social vulnerability and marginalization of unskilled workers in the country, which has led to an increased number of Indonesian migrants working in exploitative conditions. Terry Gibbs’s contribution shows how globalization plays a causal role in the development of the resource-extraction industry in Colombia, which in turn has led to a dramatic increase in internally displaced persons there.

On the other hand, even if economic globalization creates a context that explains the presence of migrants, within this context, particular policies are shaped by other national or local interests. Alexandra Dobrowolsky’s contribution explores the experiences of women migrating to Canada through the country’s Provincial Nominee Program, which allows individual provinces to determine eligibility for migration based on local needs. Attention to the different relationships between globalization and policies affecting migrants and migration is a unique feature of this volume.

Moreover, we also emphasize that the interests and identities of policy-makers and other actors affected by migration (including those of us who study the phenomenon) are not static but are often shaped and challenged by the process of migration and agency of migrants themselves. Indeed, as noted by the GCIM, it is critical to ensure that migrants and migrant advocacy groups participate in the processes of policy formation so that migrants are able to integrate successfully into destination societies without experiencing alienation, marginalization, and exploitation. In short, a comparative perspective on the intersections of economic globalization, migration, and government policy illustrates that these are dynamic processes in which structures and agents are mutually reinforcing.

Exploring these intersections must begin with a close examination of the concept of globalization itself. While definitions of globalization, such as that in the GCIM report, tend to emphasize global interconnectedness or exchange in some way or another, globalization is an ‘essentially contested’ concept (Gallie, 1964). Theorists disagree about whether it is a 20th-century phenomenon or one that goes back centuries.⁴ They differ in assessments about its effects on state sovereignty.⁵ They also disagree about whether the world is better or worse off because of globalization, or, indeed, if globalization represents a set of processes that can yield different outcomes and, as such, has no normative value at all.⁶ Boaventura de Sousa Santos (...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgments
• Notes on Contributors
• List of Acronyms
• 1. Exploring the Dynamic Intersections of Migration, Globalization, and the State
• Part I: Economic Globalization and Migration
• Part II: Local Interests and Migration Policy in the Context of Globalization
• Part III: The Influence of Migrants’ Experience on State and Society
• Index