Black Masculinity and Hip-Hop Music
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Black Masculinity and Hip-Hop Music

Black Gay Men Who Rap

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eBook - ePub

Black Masculinity and Hip-Hop Music

Black Gay Men Who Rap

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About This Book

This book offers an interdisciplinary study of hip-hop music written and performed by rappers who happen to be out black gay men. It examines the storytelling mechanisms of gay themed lyrics, and how these form protests and become enabling tools for (black) gay men to discuss issues such as living on the down-low and HIV/AIDS. It considers how the biased promotion of feminised gay male artists/characters in mainstream entertainment industry has rendered masculinity an exclusively male heterosexual property, providing a representational framework for men to identify with a form of "homosexual masculinity" – one that is constructed without having to either victimise anything feminine or necessarily convert to femininity. The book makes a strong case that it is possible for individuals (like gay rappers) to perform masculinity against masculinity, and open up a new way of striving for gender equality.

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Yes, you can access Black Masculinity and Hip-Hop Music by Xinling Li in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Sozialwissenschaften & LGBT-Studien. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.

Information

Year
2018
ISBN
9789811335136
© The Author(s) 2019
Xinling LiBlack Masculinity and Hip-Hop Musichttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3513-6_1
Begin Abstract

1. Introduction

Xinling Li1
(1)
Chengdu, China
Xinling Li
End Abstract
The recent emergence of queer hip-hop —or so it is called—has seemingly brought disturbance to the hip-hop world dominated by straight artists. Rappers like Mykki Blanco and Le1f have made their names known to global audiences and demonstrated in their performance a different kind of hip-hop , one that is definitely boundary-wrecking if not ground-breaking. Their lyrics are daring and eccentric to say the least, their public images and stage presentations are outlandish and aesthetically incoherent such that they can easily distort and disorient that which is considered normal and acceptable for a rapper and the position he/she typically speaks from. But this book is not about queer rappers who have been promoted by the music industry; instead, it looks at several grassroots and more community-oriented black gay rappers who have either rejected commercialisation or been left out of the conventional hip-hop scene because of their masculinity.
The ostensible promotion of queer hip-hop , a category Mykki Blanco “begrudgingly” accepted (Johansson 2013; Lynskey 2016), is often mistaken as a sign that the hip-hop community has grown “soft” on what hip-hop is about and whom it is for. Since women (e.g. Lil’ Kim) and white people (e.g. Eminem ) have successfully invaded the traditionally black male centred hip-hop community, representations of hip-hop culture have become more and more diverse, except for the rap style—which has remained hard-headed, in-your-face, and never lacked the spirit of protest. But queer hip-hop cannot be said for a second as part of this diversification, for it is a niche genre external to, though not mutually excluded from, the traditional hip-hop field. The two do not share the same audience the way male and female rappers do (or black and white rappers do), neither do they compete on the same platform. In other words, queer hip-hop is still predominantly indie music and has not truly reshuffled the rules of the hip-hop game.
Delving into its history, hip-hop culture has not been a place where gay rappers are welcomed. Starting from Sugarhill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight” (1979),1 the first hip-hop song to ever reach Billboard Top 40, which features a line “I said he’s a fairy I do suppose / Flyin’ through the air in pantyhose”, hip-hop has had a long history of homophobic lyricism. “The Message” (1982),2 a hit single by Grandmaster Flash , had verses mocking the fag : “stickup kid sent up for an eight-year bid”; once in prison, “your manhood is took and you’re a maytag / spendin’ the next five years as a undercover fag ”. In more blatant a manner, The Beastie Boys had planned to name their debut album (1986) Don’t Be a Faggot3 and only apologised in 1999 through Time Out New York for the ignorance they initially wanted to voice by that album. In 1988, N.W.A. brought hip-hop to an unprecedented hype in which songs like “Gangsta Gangsta” and “Nobody Move”4 glorified violence against lesbians and transgender people (e.g. “but she keep cryin’ / I got a boyfriend’ / bitch, stop lyin’ / dumb-ass hooker ain’t nothin’ but a dyke”; “put the gat to his legs, all the way up his skirt / because this is one faggot that I had to hurt”). The above are barely a few drops in the bucket compared to the homophobic tongue inherent in gangsta rap : not only do gay slurs like faggot, punk, sissy frequent rap lyrics, pet phrases like “no homo” have also become genuine tokens of hip-hop culture.
Whereas homosexuality and hip-hop can relate to one another for sharing a history of political containment and struggle, they cannot be said to have been destined for mutual encounter. Even though prominent rappers such as Jay-Z and Russell Simons have voiced their support for gay rights, we barely see any out rappers, let alone in the fiercely competitive circle of hip-hop stardom. Unlike music genres (e.g. rock & roll, classic, jazz, R&B) where gay musicians have come out (e.g. Elton John, Ricky Martin, Frank Ocean ) with their careers unscathed; hip-hop culture as a whole is still dominated by straight artists, with many claiming the non-existence of gay rappers. Though not denying the presence of gay people in the hip-hop industry, such claims are less about sexuality than about gender ; for the underlying assumption here is that hip-hop is too masculine an art form for any gay man (or lesbian) to master and appreciate. In an interview with New Music Express, Chuck D. told that Frank Ocean’s coming out would not have any significant impact on the hip-hop community because Ocean , though formerly involved in the rap crew Odd Future , came out as an R&B singer. Chuck states:
I commend Frank Ocean for coming out and saying it, but it’s not a first because there’s plenty of black male gay singers. Even when they don’t admit it, you kind of know. If you heard somebody like
 I don’t want to say a name, because people will talk
but like somebody in the Wu-Tang Clan or something, if they came out then that would be ground-breaking. That would be totally challenging. (Levine 2012)
Though met with criticism, Chuck’s comment was far from a backlash against Ocean ’s courageous coming out for he succinctly summarised the two rudimentary qualities of hip-hop music: (1) that it is the most masculine of all music genres (Perry 2004: 158); (2) that the rapper ought to be distinguished from the singer. Hence the avowed non-existence of gay rappers points to questions regarding the cultural origin of hip-hop music, its social and political employment, and how homosexuality is perceived in the music world prior to the emergence of hip-hop culture.
While some (e.g. Perry 2004: 119) have described hip-hop ’s masculinist origin as a contemporary response to the historical emasculation of slavery and the relegation that the black race was the “lady” among all races (Ferguson 2004: 57–8), recognising black men’s gendered oppression in history and its reactive manifestation in hip-hop music does not render sexist/homophobic practice on the part of rappers excusable or out of sync with the rap scene. Instead, as this book aims to converse, one should question the extent to which rappers have, either personally or in performance, adopted the role of the oppressor as many have tried to justify their anti-gay sentiments through the lens of Afrocentrism and Black Nationalism . Also, due to the influence of the Black Arts Movement, which conceived blackness as solely a framework of anti-white opposition, self-dubbed nationalist rappers have opted to define their work against Western or “white” music that comes from the European high culture and appears to be effeminate and bourgeois oriented (Ross 2000: 297).
As somewhat implied in Chuck’s comment, granted that “singing” and “musical” were codes for the male homosexual in the Anglo-Saxon queer vernacular, such words professed a homoerotic undertone distinct from their literal meanings (Hubbs 2004: 66). This has led some to accusing men skilled in singing (often R&B singers) of being unmanly, and perhaps gay (McClary 1991: 17). One example came from “Ya Strugglin”5 where KRS-One uttered: “where oh where, are all the real men? / the feminine look seems to be the trend / you got eyeliner on, chillin and maxin’ / see you’re a man with a spine extraction / so what I’m askin’ is plain to see / are there any straight singers in R&B”? The verses bewail the feminisation of men in the contemporary world—a trend supposedly manifested by the performance of latent gay R&B singers. In spite of associating singing with gayness and even emasculation (as “spine extraction” infers), KRS-One also praised hip-hop as the last musical resort for real men, for it possessed all the non-effeminate qualities compared to Western music as though rap was a way, says Brand Nubian ’s Lord Jamar, “to sing without singing, and, to write poetry without being a poet” (in Cheney 2005: 64).
Here singing is deemed a feminine act and the male singer viewed as having a proclivity for cross-gender behaviour. These assumptions are nevertheless contingent on the way modern homosexuality was defined prior to the LGBT movement, i.e. a clinical term deeply associated with symptoms of “gender disorder” (Foucault...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Front Matter
  3. 1. Introduction
  4. 2. Black Masculinity, Homosexuality and Hip-Hop Music
  5. 3. The Commoditisation of Hip-Hop Music and Queerness
  6. 4. Revelations from Black Gay Men Who Rap
  7. 5. Facing Challenges
  8. 6. Homosexual Masculinity
  9. 7. Conclusion
  10. Back Matter