Lifelong Learning Participation in a Changing Policy Context

An Interdisciplinary Theory

Ellen Boeren

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN:
  9781137441829
• eBook ISBN:
  9781137441836
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Adult Education

Drawing on the role of individuals, education and training providers and countries' social policy actions, and borrowing insights from psychology, sociology and economics, this book works towards an interdisciplinary theory of adult lifelong learning participation. It explores the fragmented evidence of why adults do or do not participate in adult lifelong learning activities and focuses on the relevance of policy, the social character and expected benefits of lifelong learning participation and discusses the potential implications for policy, practice and research.

Part I

Background

1

Adult Lifelong Learning Participation: Definitions and Contexts

This first chapter will introduce the reader to the rationale of why I have written an entire book around the notion of participation in adult lifelong learning activities. I will refer to the importance of lifelong learning and will provide background information regarding the policy context in which participation debates have been shaped over the previous decades. I will do this by referring to the work of leading organisations in the field, such as the European Commission, the OECD and UNESCO.

Why participation

Participation studies in the area of adult lifelong learning are not new. Participation models have been published in the international literature, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s, and an overview and critique of these models can be found in Courtney (1992). However, since the mid-1990s, a renewed interest in participation has taken place, and the scholarly field has since moved on.

Why adult lifelong learning?

First of all, it is important to note that, as opposed to the term lifelong education or alternative terms like ‘recurrent education’ or ‘permanent education’, the term ‘lifelong learning’ is now widely used (Boeren, 2011). Lifelong learning represents learning from cradle to grave, while focusing on learning that can take place both within and outside the education system. It is thus also perceived as being ‘life-wide’ because it can include learning in a wide range of settings and over a wide range of subjects.

Adult learning in fact refers to learning that takes place in adulthood, mainly after the end of compulsory initial education, including higher education immediately following the end of compulsory education. Indeed, the adult learners’ population is often operationalised in different ways, as will be explored in this book. Owing to the dominant use of the term ‘lifelong learning’ in policy discourses nowadays, I have decided to use the term ‘adult lifelong learning participation’ throughout this book instead of ‘participation in adult education’. More on the trends of changing terms and policy discourses will be explored when discussing the roles of major agencies, such as the European Commission, UNESCO and the OECD.

Types of lifelong learning: formal – non-formal – informal

Learning activities are often classified between formal, non-formal and informal learning. This classification was initially developed by UNESCO, but is nowadays widely used in the field of adult lifelong learning (see UNESCO, 1979, for an overview of adult education terms). In fact, texts will often refer to formal and non-formal education or training, and informal learning, although different interpretations are sometimes given to these terms.

In general, formal learning refers to those learning activities that take place in formalised settings, comparable to the initial schooling system; they are characterised by the possibility of obtaining a recognised certificate, diploma, degree or other qualification. Non-formal learning differs from formal learning insofar as an officially recognised qualification will not be granted upon completion of a non-formal learning activity. While a certificate might be provided, it does not have any civic or legal value. Informal learning is usually defined as learning that takes place in a non-intended and accidental way, such as learning through undertaking activities with family or friends. The European Commission defines informal learning as learning that takes place outside formalised settings, whether it has been the intention of the adult to learn something new or otherwise. In fact, learning happens on a daily basis and is therefore often non-intentional, incidental and random.

With respect to this book, it is important to understand the difference between formal and non-formal learning in comparison to informal learning, as statistics focusing on adult learning usually only measure participation in formal and non-formal activities and do not engage with information in relation to informal learning. For instance, this is what European policy makers do when they refer to participation statistics based on the European Adult Education Survey or the Labour Force Survey; this will be explored in more depth in Chapter 8. The European target of 15 percent of adults participating in adult lifelong learning by 2020 therefore refers to participation in formal and non-formal learning activities, not in informal learning. On the one hand, this measurement has proved to be a shortcoming as a wide range of skills and knowledge is acquired through informal learning, through interaction with others outside educational or training settings. On the other hand, measuring the intensity of informal learning might be more difficult to achieve; one can assume that informal learning takes place in everyday life and is present in a wide range of other activities. The notion of lifelong learning participation as a combined measure of participation in formal and non-formal education and training makes it, at the least, a comprehensible construct with which to work.

So what does the scholarly literature tells us about the different types of activities in which adults can participate? Colley et al. (2003) have provided a deep analysis of the concepts of formal, non-formal and informal learning and made useful reflections on existing theories in the field: e.g. Eraut (2000), the definitions used by the European Commission, the work of Livingstone (2001), Billett (2001), Beckett and Hager (2002), Hodkinson and Hodkinson (2001), Hunt (1986) and Stern et al. (1999). Having conducted the analysis, Colley et al. (2003, p. 39) warn the reader to not oversimplify the distinctions between types of learning because ‘in all or nearly all situations where learning takes place, elements of both formal and informal learning are present. But the most significant issue is not the boundaries between these types of learning, but the inter-relationships between dimensions of formality/informality, in particular situations.’

Nowadays, the debate on formal, non-formal and informal learning indeed concentrates on how these learning forms can be linked to each other, mainly through the recognition of skills and knowledge acquired through non-formal and informal learning within the credential-based formal education and training system. Accreditation of Prior Learning or Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning has thus become a more prominent item on the agenda of international educational agencies over the past decade.The focus on learning within specific activities is now also viewed as different. In the context of workplace learning, Eraut and Hirsch (2009, p. 25) have distinguished between three types of ‘early career learning’ which they have labelled as ‘work processes with learning as a by-product’,e.g. through consultation with colleagues, solving problems or meeting with clients; ‘learning activities located within work or learning processes, e.g. learning from feedback, receiving information about work procedures …and learning processes at or near the workplace’. Participation in lifelong learning activities with the aim of obtaining a qualification would fall into the third category and would count as a formalised type of learning within the workplace. Participation in short courses would also fit into this category and would be formal or non-formal depending on whether or not the course is credential-based. For the purpose of this book, and the trends explored below, it is important to understand that information gathered to monitor benchmarks and indicators tends to reflect participation in formal and non-formal education and training.

Major aims of lifelong learning

Nowadays, it can be argued that there are two major reasons why participation in lifelong learning is perceived as important. It should also be acknowledged that issues surrounding the need to participate have changed during previous decades, a point I will expand upon later in this chapter. The first, and generally acknowledged to be the major reason, is the need to survive in a knowledge-based economy, in which the need to remain competitive in the global market requires a highly skilled workforce, the owners of a strong level of human capital (Holford & Mohorcic-Spolar, 2012). This argument is often backed up by what Boshier (in Holford et al., 1998, p. 4) labelled as ‘human resource development in drag’. A second reason is that adults need to live together and society will be a better place to live if there is a higher level of social cohesion and a strong sense of active citizenship. The World Bank (2003) also mentioned the reduction of crime and the increase of charitable giving. Additionally, it is important to mention that participation is also relevant for personal development.

It is believed that participation in lifelong learning activities can help in obtaining these goals. The basic pillars of lifelong learning are often linked to what Delors et al. (1996) expand upon in Lifelong learning: the treasure within. Delors et al. (1996) distinguish between ‘learning to know’, ‘learning to do’, ‘learning to be’ and ‘learning to live together’. In referring to the two main aims of lifelong learning nowadays, one could argue that ‘learning to know’ and ‘learning to do’ have the strongest links with the economic aim of learning. That is, the need to participate in qualification-based and vocationally oriented education and training in order to survive in the competitive knowledge-based society. The social aspects of learning are present in the dimensions ‘learning to be’ and ‘learning to live together’ because these are more focused on the need to participate in lifelong learning for both personal growth and increasing levels of social cohesion amongst the members of society.

In the European Commission’s work on the European Lifelong Learning Index (ELLI), comparable to the Canadian Composite Learning Index and carried out by the Bertelsman Stiftung, an overview has been created of specific types of learning activities and how these belong to one of the four dimensions (Hoskins et al., 2010). Interestingly, ‘adult participation rates in formal education and training’ has been fitted into the category ‘learning to know’, while ‘participation in job-related non-formal education and training’, ‘participation of employees in CVT courses’ and ‘enterprises providing any other form of training’ have been assigned to ‘learning to do’. The dimension of ‘learning to live together’ mainly consists of references to social, cultural and political participation, while ‘learning to be’ includes a wide and open indicator on ‘participation in lifelong learning’, measured through ‘participation in continuing/further education and training’. It is thus clear that both dimensions of ‘economic competitiveness’ and ‘social cohesion’ are present, but with more concrete focus on the first one.

The 2013 OECD Skills Outlook, which reports on the result of the PIAAC project, includes an Survey of Adult Skills of 22 OECD countries and regions and two partner countries, Russia and Cyprus, citing a range of skills that are needed in modern society (OECD, 2013c). Strong emphasis is placed on the need for ICT skills, due to the fact that societies have changed into post-industrial service economies and the effects of globalisation (Bell, 1973). Compared to the 1980s, more employees are now working in the financial or private sector, insurance or estate agencies, while fewer people are found to be working in manufacturing sectors (Gershuny, 2000). This has led to an increase of nearly 20 percent in occupations pursued by highly educated employees. It is thus generally important that the population is able to adapt to new technologies and changes in society, while participation in lifelong learning is perceived to support people in undertaking this challenge.

A stronger theorised conception of these different aims has been constructed by Torres in what he calls the ‘rationalities’ that explain the underlying dynamics of educational policy related to adult learning (Torres, 2013, p. 35). The ‘rationality’ of what he labels ‘Human Capital Investment’ starts from a strong economic viewpoint closely linked to vocational training and productivity and is clearly present nowadays in a wide range of countries across the world. Similarly, ‘International Pressures’ dominate lifelong learning policy making in order to boost productivity between countries, but also to create insight into social inequalities persisting in many societies.

Training to increase adults’ notion of citizenship and to improve people’s life chances is labelled by Torres (2013, p. 37) as the rationality of ‘Political Socialisation’, while he warns that this can go hand in hand with indoctrination practices. The social aims of adult lifelong learning are also present in his rationality of ‘Constitutional Mandates’, which refers to keywords like citizenship, democracy and welfare, as well as in the rationality of ‘Social Movements’ in which adult learning has an important function in creating people’s identities and in establishing social relations. Finally, Torres (2013) mentions ‘Compensatory Legitimation’ as a way for governments to increase the gaining of legitimacy and state authority through adult lifelong learning. While this classification of rationalities is a great contribution to the knowledge base on the politics of adult lifelong learning, Torres (2013) agrees that most policies nowadays are based on ‘instrumental rationality’. Nowadays, the term ‘instrumental’ often reflects the cutting of investment while trying to maximise profit. In general, it is possible to recognise tensions between the more social aspects of adult lifelong learning and those related to economic goals, which are mainly underpinned by neoliberalism and capitalism.

The outcomes and benefits of participation

Therefore, participation is perceived as important because of economic and social aims. But what about the outcomes of participation? What is the evidence that these are real?

Through participation, it is believed that both the individual and society are able to profit in two ways (Laal & Salamati, 2012). On the one hand, participation and the generation of new skills and knowledge are likely to result in monetary benefits, both for the individual in terms of a higher salary, and for society as a whole in terms of an increased level of economic production. On the other hand, participation might result in strong non-monetary benefits, including higher levels of well-being and happiness for the individual, and a more peaceful and tolerant society at the structural level. Indeed, these might generate additional indirect financial benefits because of lower costs for healthcare and social services. The different levels of benefits of participation in lifelong learning are also reiterated in the work of Campbell (2012). He published ‘Skills for Prosperity’ to disseminate research undertaken by LLAKES (The Centre for Learning and Life Chances in Knowledge Economies and Societies), arguing that developing the population’s skills can generate positive economic and social benefits when resources are effectively managed and designed. He distinguishes four major beneficiaries (Campbell, 2012, p. 5). Firstly, society as a whole will profit from skill development as higher levels of skills are associated with higher levels of health and increased opportunities to climb the social ladder. Societies with strong skill development tend to have stronger levels of social cohesion between their members. Secondly, the economy will prosper because a highly skilled society tends to boost competitiveness, innovation, productivity and entrepreneurship. Equipping the population with a good level of skills can also reduce the level of economic inactivity. Thirdly, employers can benefit from increased skills levels, which is likely to lead to stronger levels of performance and so boost productivity and profitability. Fourthly, as stated by Campbell (2012), individuals who develop their skills will benefit from higher wages and the ability to carry out high quality jobs will provide them with higher levels of job satisfaction. Moreover, it is also likely to make them more ‘marketable’ in the labour market, which will increase their chances of sustaining their current job or to moving on to a better one. While these four benefits interact with each other, it is interesting to see how Campbell (2012) not only focuses on health and social cohesion at a society level, but also on the more economic, money-driven benefits at the level of the economy, employers and the individual.

Since benefits and outcomes are meant to tell us something about the effectiveness of participation, they have become a point of focus for a range of scholars in the field. One of the most recent overviews on the benefits to adults engaging in learning was provided by Field in a chapter on impact in the Second International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, edited by Aspin, Chapman, Evans and Bagnall (Aspin et al., 2012). Field (2012) recognises two major streams of impact: (1) economic impact and (2) impact on well-being.

Evidence of positive economic impact is given through reference to leading research in the field, although mainly undertaken in the British context. Field (2012) refers to work by Blundell et al. (1996) demonstrating a rise in earnings for men taking part in training at work. Field also makes reference to work by De Coulon and Vignoles (2008) on the rise in earnings by women who undertook specific training to gain vocational qualifications, ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Figures and Tables
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• Introduction
• Part I Background
• Part II The Contribution of Disciplines to an Interdisciplinary Theory
• Part III Advancing Research and Practice
• References
• Index