The term âadolescenceâ, which refers to the stage of life characterised by puberty and the transition from childhood to adulthood , comes from the Latin adolescere, meaning to grow or to mature. It is often most closely linked to the physiological changes that lead to physical sexual maturity in adults, but, as Ana Maria Frota argues, this association does not satisfactorily account for the multiple connotations that adolescence carries today (2007: 155). By contrast, in recent years, various studies have problematised the naturalisation of our modern conception of childhood as a period of innocence and dependence (Jenkins 1998; Goulart and Soares 2006; Bruhm and Hurley 2004). These critiques have emerged alongside the recognition of childrenâs capacity for âagency â (James 2009: 41), 1 and a call for analyses that pay greater attention to the effects of race , class and gender on the experience of childhood (Hecht 2002). As Kristen Drybread has observed, impoverished minors , who are unable to conform to the standards of ânormative childhoodâ, risk being denied recognition as children, and may be viewed as undeserving of the protections and privileges that this stage of life is supposed to afford (Drybread 2009: 333â334, 345). Furthermore, as Neil Postman argues, the distinction between childhood innocence and adult knowledge that was perpetuated by print culture has been blurred by âa new media environment, with television at its centreâ (Postman 1985: 286). The Brazilian documentary short A invenção da infância /The Invention of Childhood (dir. Liliana Sulzbach 2000) emphasises that childrenâs television viewing habits often expose them to the same scenes of violence , horror and sexual content seen by their parents , which supports the documentaryâs assertion that âum mundo onde adultos e crianças compartilham da mesma realidade fĂsica e virtual ĂŠ um mundo de iguaisâ [a world where adults and children share the same physical and virtual reality is a world of equals].
Such an assertion may provoke questions surrounding the benefits of addressing âadolescenceâ as another, separate category of study. However, it is also crucial to acknowledge the way in which our modern notions of adolescence have been socially constructed and have developed over time, just as Phillipe Ariès (1962) has argued that our understanding of childhood today only began to emerge after the end of the Middle Ages. A recognition of the ways in which adolescence has been socially determined, and is experienced differently by distinct subjects, engenders a healthy suspicion of approaches or representations that universalise, naturalise or capitalise on the experiences of teenagers . New Visions of Adolescence aims to account for the diversity and complexity of such experiences, offering readers a critical insight into the particularity and potentiality of this formative stage of life. Against the social and cultural backdrop of contemporary Latin America, the essays contained within this collection justify the formulation of adolescence as a distinct category of study, while at the same time demonstrating its inherent capacity to provide new critical approaches to regional and global debates over gender , sexuality , class and politics.
The Emergence of Adolescence
Adolescence and its contemporary connotations started to emerge at the beginning of the twentieth century (Holt 2016), but these only began to thrive after the end of the Second World War, at a point when an increasing number of families disposed of incomes that enabled their offspring to remain financially dependent on them for longer (Frota 2007: 149, 156). The inception of modern adolescence is, thus, intertwined with increasing socio-economic privilege and the opportunities that this afforded for young people to âimprove themselvesâ (Driscoll 2002: 111). In other words, this amounts to the possibility of spending longer undertaking leisure activities, of dedicating more time to professional training and education ahead of entry into an increasingly competitive and technocratic labour market, and of âsearchingâ for their own individual identities (Frota 2007: 156â157).
The imbrication of increasing leisure time with a consumer culture that capitalises on individualsâ desires to establish an authentic, individual identity (and to belong to a recognisable social group) leads to another key element at the core of contemporary understandings of adolescence: the emergence of specific popular cultural phenomena in the 1960s and 1970s, which have had a huge impact on how we conceive of, and relate to, young people. As Frota argues, the hippy movement in the 1960s, the student protests of 1968, and the expansion of youth counterculture throughout the 1970s, contributed to discussion about the nature of adolescence, instituting middle-class, masculine adolescence as its most privileged paradigm (2007: 165). In various Latin American countries, youth counterculture became associated with resistance to the repressive military regimes that were sweeping across the region. Laura Podalsky emphasises that in Argentina, for example, rock music and youth became synonymous with âlo sospechosoâ (the suspicious) in the 1970s and that, during the years following the institution of a hardline military junta (1976â1983), the rock scene became âthe dominant discursive site through which young people could construct and negate their identity as youthâ (2011: 106).
Nonetheless, by the 1980s, youth movements had fragmented; in Brazil, for instance, Helena Abramo suggests that the student movement lost its expressiveness as it simultaneously began to gain greater visibility (1994: 55). Popular youth figures were reduced to the circulation of their image and the consumption of specific goods (Abramo 1994: 55). Similarly, by the mid-late 1980s in Argentina, ârock was no longer necessarily an alternative cultural space and, as big producers made inroads, many bands turned their attention for the first time to the âbody, pleasure, and entertainmentââ (Podalsky 2011: 106). At the same time, cable TV access increased, and mall culture became increasingly prominent (Podalsky 2011: 106). Ivany Nascimento argues that the images and discourses propagated at this time, principally by the media, did not encourage adolescents to reflect on the ways that they could alter or overcome their circumstances, but rather were designed to promulgate stereotypical models of behavior that would fulfill the demands of consumer-driven societies (2002: 71). As Podalsky notes, commentators viewed these developments as âcontributing to the depoliticization of young peopleâ, who were seduced by âpost-modern cultureâ and rendered vulnerable to âthe unfettered power of the marketplaceâ (2011: 107).
In recent years, the diversification and proliferation of teen entertainment across different media, including on the internet, has culminated in the figure of the adolescent frequently being employed as a cipher for the social changes and for the alternative forms of cultural production and consumption that have been instituted by digital platforms (King 2015: 47â71). In his analysis of the Brazilian transmedia comic Turma da MĂ´nica Jovem, whose narratives revolve around the adventures of a teen gang in SĂŁo Paulo, Ed King observes that the comic signals current anxieties both surrounding excessive forms of consumption and hyperconnectivity, which are linked to youth culture (2015: 55â56), and regarding the âimmaterial labourâ resulting from young consumersâ propensity to be active in contributing to the development of the comicâs characters and plot lines via online fan communities (2015: 53). Within traditional economic models, this shift towards âimmaterial labourâ, and âimmaterialâ (digital) consumption may be viewed as threatening because it enables individuals to consume in ways that are not clearly âproductive of capitalâ (2015: 53). A detailed consideration of the practices of distribution, reception and the fan communities that are associated with youth consumer markets, particularly within the digital sphere, is beyond the scope of the present study, however it is significant that the unstable, potentially âthreateningâ figure of the adolescent has, in several of the films analysed in this volume, been âcontainedâ within cultural products that shore up traditional modes of production, distribution and consumption. Nonetheless, the haptic and affective dynamics at play within the films addressed by Geoffrey Maguire , Inela SelimoviÄ and Ramiro Arm...