In popular culture and American political rhetoric, the notion of American exceptionalismâthe idea that the United States is a chosen land with a special destiny and mission which set it apart from the rest of the worldâis omnipresent in American public life. With the end of World War II and the onset of the Cold War, exceptionalist American history became a controlling theme in contemporary US history writing, in a country which had long conceived of itself in exceptionalist terms and yearned for proof of its own uniqueness.1 This exceptionalist reading of the United States saw American history as outside world history, immune from general historical tendencies, and exempt from the historical forces governing all other nations.2 As a special case, the United States, in this view, was excluded from the normal patterns and laws of history. In many ways, the legacies of nationalism and exceptionalism, to be sure, âstill haunt the study of American historyâ.3
In the case of early American history, specifically, the exceptionalist paradigm has placed the United States outside an historical continuum of violent national projects of territorial expansion, racial cleansing, and settler colonization that have been very much a prominent feature of the rise and history of Western civilization. Exceptionalist American history has portrayed an American continental land empire as âwestern expansionâ, and it has reduced brutal colonial rule to an âunacknowledged themeâ in early American history.4 It has, in short, ignored, minimalized, or downplayed the hard truths and unpleasant realities of American settler colonialism . The extreme violence toward Indian peoples that accompanied the colonization of the North American continent has become âat once the most familiar and overlooked subject in American historyâ, a âviolent encounter with the indigenous inhabitantsâ whose âtrue magnitude remains unacknowledged even todayâ.5 Despite an outpouring of scholarship in recent decades, however, historians have âfailed to reckon with the violence upon which the continent [and the American nation] was builtâ.6
In a recent widely-noted review essay, historian Paul A. Kramer issued a compelling call for a âpost-exceptionalist historyâ of the United States, a history which would challenge and correct the larger effortâin popular history, political culture, and much scholarly historyâto set America and its history apart. As Kramer rightly notes, despite a wave of âanti-exceptionalistâ criticism by some scholars, âexceptionalismâ remains âwired into the historical analysis of the United Statesâ. In particular, he observes, not a few historiansâoperating strictly within the traditional boundaries of ânational historyââare still teaching and/or writing âexceptionalist historyâ or are using explanatory frameworks âwhich do its workâ.7 This long essay is offered up as an initial contribution to Paul Kramerâs call for a post-exceptionalist history of the United States, focusing on the history of early America in its colonial, revolutionary, and early republic phases.
This study lies at the intersection of three US history fields: early American history, American western history, and American Indian history.8 Within the field of early American history, scholarship focuses on different chronological periods: colonial North America, 1607â1763; the American revolutionary era, 1763â1789; the early American republic, 1789â1848; the Civil War era, 1848â1865; and Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865â1896. In each of these fields, scholars have challenged the inherited master narrative, offering a richer and more complex view of the early American past.
Viewing Frederick Jackson Turnerâs frontier thesis as an interpretive straightjacket, and seeking a more balanced view of the western past, a group of American historians writing in the 1980s and 1990s launched the New Western History.9 Recent scholarshipâwhat has been called the New Indian Historyârightly emphasizes Indian agency (instead of mere victimhood). Rather than passive objects, American Indians were active participants in shaping their own historiesâhistories centered on stories of resistance, adaptation, and survival.10 Departing sharply from the norms of American historiography, an Indigenous history of North America is also emergingâpart of a global Indigenous paradigm based on concepts of Indigenousness, sovereignty, colonization, and decolonization.11
Across the various historiographies, a new, younger generation of historians emerged to begin to challenge the exceptionalist frame of much postâWorld War II American history writing. While some of this scholarship finds its way into trade books aimed at a wider audience, much of it takes the form of conference papers, articles in professional journals, book chapters, and scholarly monographs intended for fellow academics. Slowly and not without controversy, to be sure, a ânon-exceptionalistâ (and, in some cases, âanti-exceptionalistâ) history of the United States has begun to come into view. But as yet, as historian Daniel T. Rodgers notes, an âoverarching conceptual framework for a non-exceptionalist history of the United States is not yet in placeâ.12
This study also lies at the intersection of three emerging transnational and global history fields: imperial studies, settler-colonial studies, and genocide studies. While these are three distinct fields, they also overlap due to the intimate relations between these three particular global phenomena. As we are discovering, there was no period of human history, or part of the world, which was not affected by the phenomena of imperialism, colonialism, and genocide. The field of imperial studies examines empires in world history.13 From its roots in Native American and Indigenous studies, the emerging field of settler-colonial studies explores settler colonialism as a distinct social and historical formation (from colonialism).14 An offshoot of the longer standing discipline of Holocaust studies, the new field of genocide studies focuses on attempted destruction of human groups through the ages.15
In historiographic terms, historians have used three competing paradigms to explain the history of early America.16 In the classic east-west version, American history began in the English colonies of the Atlantic seaboard and spread westward across the vast North American continent. In recent years, so-called Atlantic historians have contextualized early American history as part of an interdependent Atlantic World of Europe, Africa, and the Americas.17 Using a continental paradigm, other historians have embraced a continental view which sought to restore American Indian peoples to the story of early Americaâplacing the Native North American West alongside the Settler North American East.18 Taken together, Atlantic and continental histories challenge the older, traditional version of early American history. Like all historical paradigms, however, each of these approaches has its own limitations.
In his thought-provoking book Conquest: How Societies Overwhelm Others, historian David Day introduces the concept of a âsupplanting societyâ to explain world history and to interrogate the individual histories of empires and nations. Over the long term, he observes, the history of the world has been a history of wave after wave of people intruding on the lands of othersâa continuous tale of territorial loss and acquisition, âan ongoing jostling for living spaceâ. In some cases, the intrusion aimed at securing military advanta...