1.1 The Parallel Political, Social, and Legal Struggles
When in December 2010 a street vendor from a small town in central Tunisia self-immolated in a desperate act of protest against both economic deprivation and the humiliation resulting from mistreatment by the police and local authorities, he unwittingly opened the floodgates of longstanding discontent and frustration at the regime of president Ben Ali, and inspired citizens across the region to stand up against their respective regimes, long perceived to be corrupt, incompetent, and illegitimate. The impact of the tweeted image of this young man setting himself on fire was so profound that it prompted some observers to claim that the flames metaphorically ignited a wildfire that engulfed the entire Arab region.
Following the example of Tunisians, citizens across the region conquered their fears, raised their voices, and felt empowered to stand up and challenge the authority of their tyrannical regimes, demanding political and social reforms . These sweeping regional uprisings came to be known as the âArab Springâ or the âArab Awakening.â While different Arab countries embarked on different journeys in their political transitions , all have experienced a level of public debate that was unprecedented, in both substance and boldness. In many of these countries, political parties and civil society organizations argued in favor of drafting and enacting new constitutions in an attempt to break away from the past, and to ensure that it never returns.
Very early on, gender issues took center stage in the sociopolitical transformations and debates that arose in the context of the Arab Spring uprisings. There are several reasons for the emergence of gender issues at the heart of these sociopolitical transitions and struggles in the Arab world.
One important reason for the prominence of gender issues is the fact that women played an important and prominent role in political transitions in the so-called Arab Spring countries. Women of all ages, socioeconomic backgrounds, religious orientations, and political ideologies emerged as prominent figures in the midst of these uprisings, carving new places for themselves, even in some of the most traditional, conservative communities, as heroines, public opinion leaders, and role models, for both men and women to look up to and emulate. Many of them took to the streets, side by side with men, facing the dangers of being killed, arrested, or harassed, with amazing bravery and unmatched courage. And many of them resorted to new media tools, such as social media applications, to advance their struggles and support their causes (Al-Malki et al. 2012; Heideman and Youssef 2012; Khamis 2011, 2013; Radsch 2011, 2012; Radsch and Khamis 2013).
Through engaging in these multiple forms of struggle, Arab women were, in fact, contesting and redefining new gendered spaces, politically, legally, and socially, which involved risk-taking and the exercise of agency , despite all forms of intimidation and in the face of many constraints. Images and records of the Arab Spring not only confirm the ubiquitous presence of women alongside men in virtually all stages of the uprisings but also attest to their visible and prominent leadership roles. Many women have been seen at the forefront of protests and marches, while others were caught on camera, defying army soldiers, and pushing through riot police and barricades.
These acts of heroism, on the one hand, confirm the historical continuity of Arab womenâs struggles, through both social and political movements, while, on the other hand, they signal important shifts in how Arab women articulate and perform their subjectivities as agents of change. This is especially true since, in engaging in these forms of struggle, Arab women were not just confining themselves to stereotypical gender roles, such as nurturing or supporting men in their struggle for freedom; rather, they assumed non-stereotypical gender roles by being in the front lines of resistance , risking their own lives, and exposing themselves to the dangers of arrest or assault. Therefore we can confidently say that the Arab Spring unveiled ânumerous examples of courageous Arab women heroes risking not only their reputation but also their physical safety for the sake of reform â (Al-Malki et al. 2012, p. 81).
In doing so, they were determined to merge the struggle for equal citizenship and full participation in the political arena with that for greater gender equality in the social arena in their newly transforming societies and transitioning states. For this reason it has been said that while men were fighting one struggle in the midst of the Arab Spring movementsânamely, the political struggle to end dictatorship and to pave the way for democracyâArab women were fighting two parallel struggles: one to end political injustice and the other to end social injustice simultaneously (Al-Malki et al. 2012; Khamis 2013).
In other words, it could be said that another reason for the prominence of gender issues in the midst of the Arab Spring or Arab Awakening movements is the crossover from the political to the social realm, and vice versa, as illustrated by the myriad of overlapping issues and intersecting activities which Arab women took part in, and across these two domains simultaneously.
Nowhere is this more evident than in the case of Tunisia, where gender organizations were instrumental in steering the constitution towards higher gender standards , while mutually advocating for higher democratic standards . The stakes were particularly high for Tunisian women , who had secured significant gains from the legislation enacted in 1956, even before the Tunisian uprising, and who felt threatened by the regressive, or more restrictive, agenda of some religious parties , which started to emerge at the center of the political stage and to assume positions of leadership after the Arab Spring , especially when it came to gender issues and gender equity.
Another important reason why gender issues were so central in the midst of the Arab Spring movements was their relevance and connection to ongoing constitutional debates and legal reform efforts and initiatives. Drafting a new constitution is a social venture as much as it is a political venture. Indeed, the tone of a constitution is determined, to a very large extent, by the type of state that we want to build. Two state models were in competition in the countries that went through the constitution-building processânamely, a modern state modeled on Western-style liberal democracy, and a classical state inspired by Islamic constitutional traditions. While these two models may concur on general principles of political governance, they differ significantly in terms of social/societal features. At the center of the social debate is the role of women in the private and public spheres, an issue which has been very contentious and controversial, generating much debate and igniting much passion over time.
An important reason why gender issues played a key role in the constitutional debate is that whenever an Arab country had a fair and transparent election, religious parties seemed to win with a significant mandate. Whether that means that most Arab countries prefer to be ruled by religious groups remains to be seen. It is important to note in this context, however, that the most important element in winning an election is having better organization. And, interestingly enough, religious parties , such as the Muslim Brotherhood , in most Arab countries, despite decades of persecution and repression, seem to have better organization for three main reasons.
First, they have existed for much longer than any other party because they can survive long periods of political oppression by going underground, under the cover of religious activities. Second, they sustain an organizational infrastructure which can provide social welfare services and resources in their mostly economically challenged societies in the form of mosques, religious schools, hospitals, clinics, and subsidized food outlets across the region, which secure a popular base of support and popularity for them. Third, they appeal to the common voter through religious and cultural slogans that most Arab citizens are familiar with, can relate to and empathize with.
The emergence of religious parties on the political scene raises the stakes of constitution-building because they are mostly perceived as more prone to putting forward constitutional principles that are not favorable to women. However, it is important to avoid the danger of sweeping generalizations in making such a claim, taking into account the fact that there are many types of religious group, with varying degrees of conservatism or liberalism, when it comes to the issue of gender roles and womenâs place in the private and public spheres.
For all of the above reasons, the primary focus of this book is the gender struggles, which became particularly visible and salient in the context of the Arab Spring movements, but which had been going on for many years before the eruption of these uprisings, and which are still very much evident in many parts of the Arab region today, six years after the eruption of the Arab Spring movements of 2011.
In other words, although the connection to the Arab Spring is certainly clear for all the above reasons, the scope of this book is not just limited to these movements or restricted to this context, since there is ample evidence indicating the birth of gendered struggles in different parts of the Arab world before the eruption of the Arab Spring , as well as the continuation of these gendered struggles in many of the so-called âpost-Arab Springâ countries.
In terms of the âpre-Arab Springâ context, we can give examples of how Arab women were actively involved in shaping the public sphere, through carving new places for themselves in the domain of political activism , even before the eruption of the Arab Spring . A good example is the uprising which took place in Redeyef, a mining area in the south of Tunisia, under the authoritarian regime of the ousted president Ben Ali in 2008. This was initiated by women, lasted a few months, during which citizens called for economic and social justice from the government, and was eventually crushed with the repressive machine of Ben Ali.
Likewise, Egyptian women played a crucial role in igniting and mobilizing grassroots activism in the context of previous uprisings, including the April 6 movement, which erupted in the industrial city of Al Mehala El Kobra, initially as an attempt to call for working-class rights, just like the case of Redeyef in Tunisia, which later snowballed to attract and mobilize more activists across the board. Egyptian women were also central in igniting and mobilizing activists within the ranks of the Kefaya movement (Kefaya is the Arabic word for âenoughâ). As the name implies, the movement was trying to send a clear message to ousted President Hosni Mubarak that the Egyptian people had had enough of his 30-year dictatorship, and that they could not tolerate any more corruption, autocracy, or repression.
All of these pre-Arab Spring movements are recognized today as important political developments that forged the space and paved the way for the sweeping uprisings in 2011. Women have been recognized as key actors, central players, and effective mobilizers during these uprisings.
In terms of the post-Arab Spring context, we can refer to some of the ongoing efforts to guard, and expand, womenâs rights and gender equity in the political, social, and legal spheres. For example, of the many Arab countries that experienced political upheavals in 2011, Tunisia and Egypt enacted new constitutions , and both were active in promoting civil rights and gender equality . Yet it would be naive to imagine that the constitution alone is sufficient to ensure the protection of womenâs rights in these countries. Much remains to be done within the legislative branch to ensure that future legislations consolidate the constitutional principles, and within the judicial branch to ensure the appropriate interpretation of the constitution and future legislation.
Also, gender equality is not merely a matter of law; rather, it is also a matter of social practice, cultural norms and traditions, and prevailing mindset. Here also, perhaps more than anywhere else, much remains to be done in terms of spreading much-needed awareness and proper education aimed at potential perpetrators and potential victims, in an ...