In a controlled adieu to her glamorous and luxurious vie mondaine 1 in Paris and in direct dialogue with the famous first chapter of La Dame aux camĂ©lias [The Lady of the Camellias], Valtesse de la Bigne, famed demi-mondaine, organized a sale of her precious works of art (including the iconic 1879 portrait of her by Manet), furniture, jewelry, silver, and other objets dâart that took place in her palatial hĂŽtel particulier (June 2âJune 7, 1902). This would not be the first time de la Bigne referenced Dumas filsâs famous 1848 novel. In fact, in Isola, the courtesan novel she had penned some 25 years earlier, her protagonist complains about the unrealistic portrayal of Marguerite Gautier, and de la Bigne purposely writes her novel in a way that counters the conventional but damaging representations of courtesans in male-authored French literary works of the second half of the nineteenth century. The deliberately arranged 1902 sale then, like her novel Isola (1876), engages with La Dame aux camĂ©lias in a way that illustrates the dialectic between de la Bigne and the other too-often-neglected courtesan novelists of late nineteenth-century France and the male authors of the period. The sale, a parting shot at the likes of Dumas fils, the Goncourt brothers, and Zola, reveals that courtesans did not remain silent in the face of the contemporary novels that so maligned them.
Instead of dying in poverty like the self-sacrificing Marguerite Gautier, who, at least in La Dame aux camĂ©lias, finds herself doomed to a lonely, painful death in desperate poverty as punishment for her sins, de la Bigne organized a sale eight years before her death so that she could leave a Paris she now found too noisy and smelly. She would finish her life in an elegant manor in Ville-dâAvray surrounded by peaceful nature. Unlike the ill-fated Marguerite who spent her last days consumed by thoughts of dying and hounded by the creditors who arranged an infamous sale within days of her death, de la Bigne downsized her belongings herself so that she could finish her life in cozy comfort. In fact, the two pages that precede the catalogue of objects de la Bigne offered at her sale flatter both de la Bigneâs own upscale tastes and those of a curious clientele she hoped would attend and purchase her goods. The publication of this catalogue seems to have been a conscious effort on de la Bigneâs part, not only to publicize the sale but also to restage Margueriteâs auction in a more positive context.2 Finally, since de la Bigneâs sale preceded her death, it not only defied social propriety but also offered the pretext for her to be discussed one last time by the Parisian public. As the text in the catalogue acknowledges, although the sale was risky business and it was painful for de la Bigne to part with such lovely treasures, the occasion afforded her the pleasure of hearing people voice their admiration of her good taste: âIl y a le bruisement doux comme une caresse, de lâadmiration dâautriâ [there is the murmur, as gentle as a caress, of the admiration of others] (II). She could also watch them covet her luxurious lifestyle and even fight over her belongings, or the âmerveilles lentement rassemblĂ©esâ [marvels so slowly collected] (II). If de la Bigne was trying to build up momentum to the sale in publishing the catalogue, she also, in one last dialogue with Dumas filsâs novel, took a final jab at the myth of the harlot with the heart of gold who must die to redeem herself from her wicked ways: she escaped from Paris, despite her courtesan past, with her finances, dignity, and health intact.
The Evolution of the French Courtesan Novel: From de Chabrillan to Colette argues that de la Bigne uses her protagonist to write against the demi-mondaine as a femme fatale in a way that strives to carve a place outside of a discourse dominated by male writers such as Dumas fils, Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, EugĂšne Sue, and Ămile Zola. In
La Dame aux camélias, Dumas fils
portrays the demi-monde as glamorous, fun, and intoxicating. It is easy to forgive Marguerite Gautierâs wanton sexuality and transgressions â because she, like Marie Duplessis, the woman on whom the novel and play are loosely based, dies young, beautiful and repentant. Her threat of negatively influencing any bourgeois women seeking adventure outside of marriage is sealed off when she is buried in a coffin.3
The aforementioned male writers, âthroughout the nineteenth century,â I argue, âcentered their ambivalence to changes brought about by capitalism, modernity, revolution as well as evolving gender roles on the figure of the prostitute, fantasizing that these problems could be eradicated through her destruction, containment or punishment. Only in keeping the actions of the marginalized prostitute in check could some sense of order be restored.â4 As a result, the Goncourts in their La Lorette (1853) and Sue in his short story âLa Loretteâ (1854) strove to contain the unruly prostitute in their novels âthat also anticipate misogynist portrayals of the prostitute as dirty, infectious, depraved, and the man-eating depictions of prostitutes by writers in the later part of the nineteenth century, most notably Ămile Zolaâs creation of Nana [1880]â5 (Sullivan 247). However, demi-mondaines such as CĂ©leste de Chabrillan, in memoirs and novels, wrote back against the misogynist myths spun by male authors. Although during the Second Empire de Chabrillan began the battle to defend her kind and to write against the cruel stereotypes of courtesans formulated to discredit their intellect and suppress their points of view, de la Bigne continued the fight through her intertextual references to classic and contemporary works some 20 years later.
De Chabrillan, de la Bigne, and her protĂ©gĂ©, Liane de Pougy, had their own reasons for telling their stories and thus became courtesan novelists, as I will explain in Chap. 2. De Chabrillan began her MĂ©moires first as a way of defending herself against creditors and then kept writing since she wanted to earn her living in a âlegitimateâ fashion, selling her stories, not her body. De la Bigne wanted to settle some scores in regard to the hypocritical double standard of the times, but also shrewdly marketed herself as tough, smart, and not anyone to vex. De Pougy, a courtesan writing at the fin de siĂšcle, was the sharpest of the bunch in terms of marketing her brand through her associations with journalists who publicized her exploits in popular columns. She delicately straddled the line between her need to write to express her vibrant intellect and creative impulses and her desire to promote herself to earn more fame and money. A palpable tension exists between the often harsh reality these women faced thanks to their actual prostitutionâsuch as the abuse they often endure from the very men who pay them for their servicesâand the ways they represent themselves as renegade women free to write, think, socialize, dress, and spend as they please. In some ways, they seem liberated in comparison to the bourgeois women reined in by marriage and motherhood; yet this very freedom means that society will always consider them anathema.
The prostituteâs ubiquity in novels and paintings created by men, Charles Bernheimer asserts in Figures of Ill Repute, stems from both her âprominence as a social phenomenonâ and her âfunction in stimulating artistic strategies to control and dispel her threat to male masteryâ (2). To borrow a concept from Bernheimer outlining the ways male artists and writers negotiated between the âhistorical reality of prostitutional behaviors and the formal procedures of representation,â the courtesan novelists, put âa spin on the storyâ in their narratives in a way that parallels how their male contemporaries manipulate stories about harlots (ix). While male writers, in their spin on the story, transform prostitution âinto a trope for male creativity,â de Chabrillan, de la Bigne, and de Pougy âdespinâ or counter these narratives with their own versions of the prostituteâs story (ix). Bernheimer laments the lack of ârealâ accounts of the average prostituteâs lived experiences since he notes âwith the exception of a few autobiographical writings by great courtesans of the period, we have no nineteenth-century accounts written by French prostitutes themselvesâ (3). In this book, I demonstrate that while they certainly put âspinsâ on their autobiographies and fictions since they were clever marketers of their own brands, de Chabrillan, de la Bigne, and de Pougy did not become elite demi-mondaines overnight. In their works, they bear witness to the very real psychological and financial struggles they faced while climbing their way to the top (in de Pougyâs regard, this is done rather coyly). In essence, they tell the type of stories Zolaâs Nana censures when she dismisses a novel about a prostitute as âfauxâ [false] and part of a lowly genre (344).
Although in the contemporary Anglophone world, Nana, with its canonical status, appears quite frequently on French literature syllabi as the go-to text on prostitution in the nineteenth century, the three courtesan writers examined in this tome focus on La Dame aux camĂ©lias, the popular culture reference on prostitution par excellence in the second half of the century. In the case of de Chabrillan and de la Bigne, since they penned their novels before Zola authored Nana, they could not reference his work, but that did not stop them from expressing their negative opinions of it later once it was published. In fact, Nana so upset de Chabrillan in its cruel portrayal of her old friend Lise Sergent, known as la Reine PomarĂ©, that she publicly protested it. As Monique Fleury Nagem explains, even though Lise died at 21 of tuberculosis, Zola portrays PomarĂ© as âan old hag living out of the gutter; the degradation of the fallen queen serves as a warning to Nana and her friend Satinâ (xiii). Nagem reports that de Chabrillan, wounded by Zolaâs âinsult to her old friend,â âshouted protests about the courtesanâs depictionâ at one of the first performances of the theatrical adaption of Nana (xiii). Just as she had 25 years earlier in her memoirs, de Chabrillan once again contested the insulting portrayal of her kind (Sullivan, âPour nousâ 198).
Before delving into de la Bigneâs opinion of Nana, it is worth briefly noting the influence of both de la Bigne and her fictional alter ego had on Zolaâs portrait of Nana. For starters, Nana sports the same scintillating golden-red coif as Isola, and in Chap. 1, we also see that Isolaâs admirers call her âRayon dâorâ (Golden Ray) while Nanaâs initial detractorâthe journalist Faucheryâcrowns her the âMouche dâorâ (Golden Fly). While Isola opens with demi-mondaines posturing for battle over admirers at a theater premiere, Nana also begins with male theatergoers gossiping about courtesans, namely anticipated debut of Nana in La Blonde Venus, a parody of Offenbachâs La belle HĂ©lĂšne (Brooks 125). Zolaâs contemporaries would have known that de la Bigne won fame in Offenbachâs La Romance Ă la rose and La Diva and became his mistress at the end of the Second Empire (Valtesse 53; 58).
Even if they may share the same beautiful hair, performance history, and notoriety as the mistress of powerful figures in the artistic world, Nana and Isola do not share any similarities in regard to intelligence and sophistication. In fact, many of Zolaâs contemporaries viewed Zolaâs depiction of Nana as stupid as highly flawed. Indeed, he refers to Nana as a bĂȘte 6 well over 20 times in the novel. Valtesse reports that âMme de la Bigneâ herself frowned upon Nana as âĂ©crit de tant dâincohĂ©rencesâ [written with so many inconsistencies] since no courtesan as stupid as Nana could gain entry much less ascension in the demi-monde (121). She also resented Zolaâs portrayal of her as a âvulgaire catinâ [vulgar strumpet] (119). No one who knew the author of Isola viewed her as so lacking in intellect, wit, or sophistication, and de la Bigne cites ArsĂšne Houssayeâs defense of the courtesan he admired so greatly as proof: âValtesse est spirituelle et câest prĂ©cisĂ©ment le tort de M. Zola qui sâest servi dâelle pour crĂ©er le type de Nana, de nâavoir pas compris que pour triompher, il faut Ă une femme une certaine intelligence qui sâaffine par des relationsâ [Valtesse is witty and that is precisely where Zola went wrong when using her as model for Nana since he did not understand that to prevail it takes a woman of a certain intelligence who only becomes more refined by her circle] (121â122). Houssaye indicates that through their numerous conversations with educated lovers and chatty artists and writers who frequented their soirĂ©es, demi-mondaines acquired elegant manners and sophisticated rhetorical skills. To paraphrase Georges Ohnet, if Zola failed to accurately portray Nanaâs society, it was because he merely consulted concierges in apartments and hotels (Valtesse 118). In short, certain of Zolaâs contemporaries such as Ohnet insisted that Zola did not accurately depict the demi-monde or the grand monde because he lacked the money and connections to gain access to them.
Critics have also suggested that Zolaâ own biased agenda prevented him from describing the demi-monde with any objectivity. Rachel Mesch claims that he âblatantly ignoresâ the intelligence courtesans needed to succeed in the demi-monde since in Nana the courtesanâs intellect and ability âto see, and thus to knowâ is as threatening as her sexual wantonness (36â37). Although courtesans such as de la Bigne lived as much off their wit as their beauty, throughout the majority of the novel, Nana seems incapable of any critical thinking. In an extreme example, Nana is so happy about the length of the extremely unflattering Fauchery article portraying her as a âGolden Flyâ that she fails to see how hostile it is to her lower-class status and sexuality. Although Nanaâs stupidity and semi-illiteracy render her incapable of understanding the insults Fauchery hurls at her in his article, toward the end of the novel, Zola unexpectedly depicts her as a scrutinizing reader. It is as though Zola suddenly remembers that elite courtesans often advised their highly ranked politician/lovers on p...