Introduction
The Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden1) continually score high in lifestyle measures, quality of life and childrenâs outcomes. With a combined population of over 26 million people, innovative policy is often implemented to deal with a small but spread-out population. For over 200 years, the countries have kept peace with each other and have substantial cooperation across national borders. Much of this has to do with specific culture and policy of the Nordic countries. For example, clear and well-established political intentions for families, children and preschool in terms of social reforms, stable funding, laws, curriculum, guidelines and a preschool teacher education on an academic level (UNESCO, 2008).
Countries around the world are beginning to recognise the importance of understanding links between supporting families and young children and are often interested in the Nordic perspective for these issues. Furthermore, a growing interest is seen in the Nordic countriesâ curricula of primary education, in order to meet the needs and new demands of todayâs children and families, to allow positive life trajectories (Sylva, Melhuish, Sammons, Siraj-Blatchford, & Taggart, 2010). Thus, there is a need for the academic community as well as the general community to share the Nordic perspective.
The intention of the book is to bring together authors from the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden) to share and increase understanding around theory and empirical research, regarding families, children, primary education and childrenâs leisure time activities. The book provides a summary of the current research findings about families and children across the Nordic countries. The findings provide important insights into the âNordic modelâ and offer readers the chance to understand the relevant issues facing Nordic countries. What emerges is, while there are many similarities across the countries, differences also arise. As countries look at better ways to support their populations, it is important to understand different ways of working, including the Nordic perspective. The content of the book is more relevant now than ever, as countries explore different ways of producing better outcomes for all people.
Nordic Perspectives
Over the last century the Nordic countries have established a welfare model that is often referred to as the âNordic modelâ. This includes the development of policies that promote equality for all, with equal opportunities for both men and women. Part of this has meant reforms to support parents, such as child allowances, parental leave and provision for preschool for all children. The overall intention is to support all in society to create independence and equality. How Nordic countries do this differs across region. Significant for the Nordic preschool and leisure time programmes is that they emphasise similar skills and qualities that are valued as important for children to learn and develop, such as being active, to reflect, communicate and interact with other children and teachers. A global influence can be traced on quality aspects and qualities, which are valued as important: influences that can be drawn from modern theories of learning, emphasising communication and interaction (Bruner, 1996; Pramling Samuelsson, Sheridan, & Williams, 2006; Vygotsky, 1986).
The Nordic countries have also imported ideas, methods and philosophies from other countries around family and child policy. So, rather than suggest a âNordic modelâ, we take on the suggestion of Garvis and Ădegaard (2017, p. 1) of a Nordic dialogue that is common across the countries where âNordic perspectives are closely linked to national and global economies as well as transnational cultural ideas and ideals on families and childrenâ.
The universal idea of how to better support families and children within the Nordic region motivates the focus of this book. The intention is to showcase various examples of policy and practice across the countries to highlight current successes and challenges within Nordic provision. It is important that the reader starts to understand Nordic policies and descriptions of families and how family structures impact on childrenâs and adolescentsâ everyday life (NordĂŠn, 2018). In a Nordic context, the concept of a family is broad with many inclusions. Families are understood as both nuclear and extended, with representations of many members. Family members may or may not live in the same house, be emotionally attached or related to the kin. Children become part of a family systems approach where ecological, cultural and systematic bases of knowledge affect the development and well-being of children.
Within contemporary perspectives, family and children are seen as resources, where they can become partners who are more involved in activities, development and the creation of curriculum and change within early childhood education. On the other hand, children and families are also seen as a risk, underdeveloped and underprivileged (Rogoff, 2003). In reality, the two positions are often blended together. Involvement, development and change in institutions have traditionally been reserved for professionals, but ecological, cultural and systemic bases of knowledge take into account that children are parts of family systems and relations that affect childrenâs development and well-being (Garvis & Ădegaard, 2017, p. 3). Within the Nordic context, this suggests that institutions are continually changing to meet the needs of society and family.
One of the most important education provisions connected to children is described in Table 1.1, which will also give us a better understanding of how this suggested in Nordic dialogue (Garvis & Ădegaard, 2017) between the countries can best be observed. All of the Nordic countries have similar childcare and education provision with only rather small differences. For instance, the ratification of UN Rights of the Child was done in all of the countries in the beginning of 1990s. The corporal punishment law was implemented first in Finland, followed by the other Nordic countries. While all countries have a similar way in dealing with universal access to preschool, starting school ages and provision for schooling, the actual provision of support differs slightly, especially around the cost. However, only in Finland and Sweden, children are provided with school lunch every day.
Table 1.1
Children and education provision
Sweden | Norway | Finland | Denmark | Iceland | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Universal access to early learning | Children can start from one year of age (since 1995), Three- to five-year-olds have 15 free hours a week Preschool class (children aged six) is mandatory from autumn 2018 | Since 2009, every child from one to six years of age has a right to kindergarten | Eight months to five years since 1990 Preschool class (children aged six) is mandatory from 2015 | Children should be offered a place in day-care facilities (dagtilbud) if their parents want it. Since 2000â2003 there has been a financial agreement between the central government and local authorities to offer all parents a place | Children can start from one year of age. Obligatory for bilingual children from three years |
Years of compulsory schooling and starting age | Ten (six years) | Ten (six years) | Nine (seven years) | Ten (six years) | Ten (six years) |
Provisions provided in education | Basic right to free education, including equipment, text books, school transport and meals | Basic right to free education, including equipment, text books and school transport | Basic right to free education, including equipment, text books, school transport and meals | Maximum cost is 2.551 (Copenhagen) | Of actual cost 30% in public institution and up to 50% in private institutions |
Not only evident in this book but also observed by other researchers, there is a difference between the Nordic countries and some other European countries regarding the perspective on play and childrenâs social, cognitive and emotional development. For instance, Bennett (2005) has distinguished two broad categories between the different nations, particularly visible in Europe, as the pre-primary tradition (e.g. Belgium, France, Ireland, the UK and the US) focusing on cognitive goals and âreadiness for schoolâ as important aims and the social pedagogic tradition (e.g. Nordic countries, many parts of Central Europe) focusing more on childrenâs play and social development with an emphasis on childrenâs agency (Sheridan, Garvis, Williams, & Mellgren, in press; Sheridan & Williams, 2018; Williams & Sheridan, forthcoming). In the Nordic countries, these two traditions are being replaced by a new approach to childrenâs learning and development. In this approach childrenâs social, emotional and cognitive learning is integrated and valued as of equal importance to childrenâs learning and development. The importance of childrenâs learning today and for school is stressed as well as their lifelong learning (Pramling & Pramling Samuelsson, 2011; Sheridan & Williams, 2018).
According to Table 1.1, all of the Nordic countries have early childhood curriculum that has a strong emphasis of play, learning and democracy. However, also a strong partnership with families is highlighted. For example, in Finland an entire chapter in the National Core Curriculum is devoted to this partnership and its implementation. According to the National Core Curriculum for Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) (OPH, 2016, pp. 32â33), the aim for the partnership is meeting the needs of the child to ensure their growth, development and learning. Information about compulsory schooling is also shared below.
The welfare states also support the major...