âBad Girlâ Fiction and the âCircuit of Cultureâ
Billed on its front cover as âa shocking novel of teen-age gang life in the slums of Manhattanâ, Tomboy was a hit in 1950 for American author Hal Ellson. The previous year Ellson had scooped success with Duke, a hard-hitting bestseller depicting the lifestyle of New Yorkâs violent, teenage gangs. And in Tomboy Ellsonâs attention switched to the female of the species; with a narrative that focused on a teenage girlâs life in a street gang and her journey into a world of ruthless turf wars, audacious heists and torrid sleaze. The novel was another Ellson winner, earning plaudits from critics and quickly running to a succession of paperback editions. Other authors soon followed his lead, contributing to a prolific genre of âbad girlâ popular fiction that graced American bookstands throughout the 1950s. Albert Quandtâs Zip-Gun Angels (1952), for example, profiled the âleader of a new kind of street gang ⊠a gang of tough and beautiful girlsâ, while Wenzell Brownâs Gang Girl (1954) recounted the exploits of Rita, a fifteen-year-old hellion from New Yorkâs Lower East Side who âknew how to fight with her knees, her elbows, her teeth, how to hold a blackjack, how to spot a cop, how to roll marijuana, how to lure a man into a dark hallwayâ.1 And, in the same vein, Joseph Hiltonâs Angels In The Gutter (1955), Harry Whittingtonâs Halfway to Hell (1959), Leo Marguliesâ short story collection Bad Girls (1958) and Wenzell Brownâs âgang girlâ reprise, Girls on the Rampage (1961), all offered gritty tales of young vixens prowling the backstreets of 1950s America.
This âbad girlâ fiction was a subgenre in a broader flood of cheap and lurid âjuvenile delinquencyâ novels that traded on contemporary anxieties about youth crime and gang violence.2 For the most part, 1950s teen crime was characterised as a male problemâthe stock delinquent portrayed as a swaggering, leather-jacketed hoodlum with a duck-tail haircut and a bad attitude. But the belief that girls were becoming âtougherâ, âharderâ and âmore viciousâ was also widespread; and novels such as Tomboy, Zip-Gun Angels and Gang Girl rode the wave of these concerns. Successfully exploiting contemporary angst surrounding girls, morality and crime, âbad girlâ fiction took the febrile newspaper headlines and condensed them into potboilers of sensational sex and violence.
The rise of âbad girlâ literature, however, was not solely indebted to contemporary anxieties about miscreant femininity. Like any media configuration of youth subculture, âbad girlâ fiction of the 1950s was the product of a confluence of mutually constitutive processesâa âcircuit of cultureââin which social and cultural influences were important; but also decisive was the way these factors interacted with developments in other realms, especially the fields of production, demand, reception and regulation.
The concept of a âcircuit of cultureâ was originally developed in the mid-1980s by Richard Johnson. According to Johnson, to understand the way media forms develop, circulate and generate meaning, attention must be given to the way they move through a âcircuitâ consisting of three main stagesâproduction, textuality and reception. Each stage, he argued, was distinct and involved âcharacteristic changes of formâ, but were linked together in processes of interdependence and interaction so that â[e]ach moment or aspect depends upon the others and is indispensable to the wholeâ (Johnson 1997, 83). Analytic perspectives that failed to acknowledge each stage of the circuit and its relation to the others, Johnson contended, could not adequately account for the form and meaning of media texts. In these terms, then, approaches that dwelt exclusively on issues of (for example) authorial intent or textual character were insufficient. Instead, other aspects of the cultural circuitâfor instance, the organisation of production and the readings generated by audiencesâalso demanded attention, along with the dimensions of influence and interplay that invariably existed between the various points of the circuit.
Since Johnsonâs original model, various configurations of the cultural circuit have featured in a diversity of studies. Versions of the cultural circuit have, for example, underpinned analyses of product design (Julier 2000) and the development of technologies such as the Sony Walkman (Du Gay et al. 1997) and mobile phones (Goggin 2006), as well as in case studies of textual forms such as the British âladsâ magazines of the 1990s (Jackson et al. 2001). And ideas of a cultural circuit can also be usefully applied to media forms associated with youth cultures and subcultures. American âbad girlâ fiction of the 1950s is exemplary. The rise of the genre can be seen as the outcome of an interlinked circuit of culture in which the social and cultural controversies of the period undoubtedly played an important role, but crucial was the way these influences interacted with other contemporary developmentsâmost obviously the shifts in business organisation, markets and censorship that transformed US publishing after the Second World War.
The Paperback Boom and a Market for the âThree Ssâ
Issues of production always play a key role in a circuit of culture, and they were fundamental to the rise of âbad girlâ fiction. The success of the 1950s âbad girlâ novels was indebted to the wider boom in paperback books. Of course, paperbound books were hardly new. The commercial possibilities of paperbacks had already been demonstrated in Germany during the 1930s, where Albatross Books had successfully produced a range of mass-market paperbacks whose innovations in size, typography and layout became the industry standard. And in Britain the Albatross format was imitated by Allen Laneâs launch of Penguin Books in 1935, which revolutionised British publishing through the introduction of high quality, inexpensive paperbacks. But American talent was also quick to appreciate the paperbackâs potential.3
Leading the way, entrepreneur Robert de Graff joined forces with publishers Richard Simon and Max Schuster in 1939 to found Pocket Books, which soon became a market leader with its paperback reprints of classics, light novels and popular non-fiction. The companyâs success was partly indebted to its booksâ low price (25 cents) and attractive presentation, but it was also indebted to the firmâs innovative distribution. Whereas hardback sales traditionally relied on bookshops, de Graff (a seasoned pressman) saw how a much broader market could be reached via the distribution systems used for newspapers and magazines. Hence Pocket Books were racked-up on newsstands and in drugstores, a strategic masterstroke that, within a year, had clocked up sales of more than 1.5 million.
Following Pocket Booksâ success, rivals soon appeared. For instance, Avon Books (publisher of Gang Girl and Halfway to Hell) had started out as a magazine publisherâJ.S. Ogilvie Publicationsâbut was bought up by the newspaper distributor American News Company (ANC) and relaunched in 1941 as Avon, a paperback imprint that closely imitated Pocket Books. And more competition quickly followed. Dell was launched in 1942, then Popular Library in 1943; in 1945 Ian Ballantine (formerly director of Penguinâs American operations) set up Bantam Books (publisher of the paperback edition of Tomboy), followed by Ballantine Books, launched in 1952. And in 1948 Kurt Enoch (who had fled Nazi Germany after launching Albatross Books) established New American Library, initially publishing paperback reprints of classics, then a few original mysteries, romances and adventure stories.
But the key pioneer in the production of paperback originals was Fawcett, a major magazine publisher and leading newsstand distributor. Handling the distribution of New American Libraryâs Mentor and Signet imprints, Fawcett soon saw the potential of paperback sales, and in 1950 the firm launched the industryâs first major line of original paperback novelsâGold Medal Books (publisher of Angels in the Gutter and Girls on the Rampage). Specialising in westerns, mysteries and thrillers, Gold Medal had churned out over nine million books by the end of 1951, with many novels quickly going to three or four editions. By 1953, then, the paperback trade was burgeoning and the business magazine Fortune could trumpet âThe Boom in Paper Bound Booksâ, estimating that the previous year had seen national paperback sales of 243 million in a market worth over $69 million (Fortune, September, 1953, 122).
The paperback bonanza, however, was itself indebted to another link in the âcultural circuitââthe shifts in markets and consumer demand engendered by Americaâs economic upturn. After the Second World War disposable incomes and living standards rose across the board, and publishers rode the tide of consumer affluence. But one market was especially attractiveâteenagers and young adults. The post-war âbaby boomâ ensured a âbulgeâ in the US teenage population throughout the 1950s and 1960s; and this, combined with buoyant levels of youth employment and a growth in parental allowances, ensured a sustained growth in young peopleâs spending power.4 In 1956, for example, Time magazine estimated that âallowances and earnings give the teenage boy an average weekly income of $8.96, compared to only $2.41 a dozen years agoâ (Time, 13 August, 1956, 72); and by 1959 an awestruck Life magazine was observing that American youth had âemerged as a big-time consumer in the US economyâ, with teen wallets reckoned to be worth around $10 billion per year (Life, 31 August, 1959, 78). Industries scrambled to stake a claim in the teenage goldmine, with everything from rock ânâ roll records to âbrothel-creeperâ shoes pitched to young consumers. And publishers, too, were keen to cash-in.
While paperbacks enjoyed a diverse readership, teenagers and young adults were squarely in the book tradeâs sights. In 1946, for example, Pocket Books launched the Teen-Age Book Show, a touring exhibition that pitched paperbacks to young readers, while throughout the 1950s New American Library had an educational sales department geared to penetrating the classroom market. Largely based on paperback reprints of classic titles, such initiatives were promoted as offering young readers easy access to literature deemed worthy and educational. But, alongside this earnest fare, there also lurked a legion of paperback books with less high-minded sensibilities.
During the early 1950s the flourishing paperback trade was regularly decried by critics who argued the market was dominated by what they dubbed âthe three Ssâââsex, sadism and the smoking gunâ (Schick 1958, 96). The point was not without foundation. Many paperbacks were noir-esque tales of hard-boiled tough guys and hot-blooded dames; their scorching narratives matched by covers that bristled with sneering hoodlums and their improbably buxom molls. The formula had its roots in the traditions of pulp magazine publishers, many of whom had become major players in the new paperback business.
The âpulpsââso-called because of the low-cost, wood pulp paper they were originally printed onâwere cheap fiction magazines renowned for their gripping themes and racy cover art. The genreâs heyday was during the 1920s and 1930s when US newsstands were thronged with cheap, visually striking pulp titles such as Argosy, Amazing Stories and Dime Detective, all proffering thrilling tales of mystery, crime and adventure. Paper shortages during the Second World War b...