Headlines such as âAfricaâs growing middle classâPleased to be bourgeoisâ (The Economist 2011) were part of an international chorus that, just a few years ago, hailed the emergence of a ânew African middle classâ, one seen as the medium of positive changes in African economic growth , social structure , and political behaviour. In June 2015, however, the NestlĂ© Corporation announced that it planned to cut 15 per cent of its workforce in Africa, because the middle class, the market NestlĂ© had targeted, had not grown to the extent predicted. âWe thought this would be the next Asia , but we have realized the middle class here in the region is extremely small and it is not really growing,â stated a chief executive for NestlĂ©âs equatorial Africa region in an interview with the Financial Times (Manson 2015). Were the claims of a new African middle class, and all the hopes invested in them, just an enormous misunderstanding?
The rise of âmiddle classesâ has been hailed by those who see the most recent episode of economic growth in Africa as the opening of a new and positive phase in African history, in which the continent will finally overcome its endemic problems of poverty, dependency, and political conflict. We, the editors of this volume, are not convinced by this hyperbole, but we do agree that something new is happening in Africa. This can be seen not only in economic growth rates (figures which must be handled with care) but also in processes of urbanization, increasing school enrolment, migration, rapid social change, and the emergence of social groups that may qualify as middle classes.
We take these developments as a starting point to reflect on the state of the middle classes in Africa. We believe, first of all, that African middle classes do exist, and that these classes have emerged out of various sorts of economic change. We insist, however, that both the emergence of these classes and the wider processes that made it possible are far more complex than much of the recent discussion around the âNew African Middle Classâ assumes. We believe, therefore, that it is necessary to clarify what the concept of the âmiddle classâ actually means in the African context. Models developed in one world region cannot easily or simply be transferred elsewhere. Such transposition can rather result in the production of unreliable assumptions and expectations. The discussion about âmiddle classâ in Africa already contains implicit, misleading assumptions which remain unexplored and uncritically accepted. NestlĂ©âs confidence stemmed from the unjustified expectation that middle classes develop everywhere in the same way. NestlĂ©âs disappointment demonstrates, in turn, the practical outcomes of relying on such assumptions.
In this book, therefore, we are concerned with the following:
- 1.
To outline the underlying assumptions that are implied in recent portrayals of middle classes in Africa, in popular and academic publications, and to demonstrate why these assumptions are misleading.
- 2.
To emphasize the necessity of a conceptual framing of âmiddle classesâ in Africa that deals with the complexity of this issue in the contemporary context. We cannot offer a comprehensive reconceptualization of middle classes in Africa, but we can, and do, point out the central questions in the debate, and offer new approaches to those questions. With these new approaches, it will be possible to grasp the specific features of middle classes in Africa.
- 3.
To present our thesis that there is no single âAfrican middle classâ encompassing all African societies. Therefore, we believe, it is better to speak of a plurality of âmiddle classesâ in Africa.
In short, we see these as the vital, necessary, and indispensable questions: What is specifically âAfricanâ about the continentâs
middle classes? What specific forms of middle-classness are identifiable among these groups in Africa? And to what extent are these middle classes ânewâ?
The Debate about the âNew Middle Classâ in Africa and Its Shortcomings
Since the beginning of the millennium, parallel debates have addressed the rise of âmiddle classesâ in emerging and developing countriesânot only in Africaâfrom both global and regional perspectives. In general, income is taken as the key criterion for judging the appearance and character of a middle class, and it is income that is seen to demarcate boundaries between classes. And, it is rising national incomes that are taken as the decisive evidence of new class formation . Headlines and phrases like âthe Rise and Rise of the African Middle Classâ (Deloitte 2012), âAfrika vor dem grossen Sprungâ (âAfrica on the Verge of a Great Leapâ) (Johnson 2011), âthe African Lionsâ (in analogy to the âAsian Tigersâ), or âthe Middle of the Pyramidâ (African Development Bank (AfDB) 2011) have all evoked Africaâs rapid economic growth.
Since about 2010, double-digit
economic growth rates have been observed across Africa. This growth is partly due to rising international commodity prices, and partly due to internal economic structural changes (Leke et al.
2010).
1 According to the
AfDB report cited above,
Gabon ,
Botswana ,
Ghana ,
Ivory Coast ,
South Africa , and
Kenya have all developed significant middle-income
classes, the size, social weight, and importance of which can no longer be ignored (
2011, 23). The UHY business network, a UK-based global network of independent accounting and consulting companies, applauds the apparent fact that:
Over the last decade, six of the worldâs 10 fastest-growing countries were African. In eight of the last 10 years, Africaâs lion states have grown faster than the Asian tigers. The fastest-growing economy in the world in 2011 (at 13%) was Ghana . As a result, Africa now has the fastest-growing middle class in the world. (UHY Business Network 2015)
But is it correct to connect economic growth and
class formation ? It is true that there are some good reasons for doing so: in particular, rapid economic growth has been key to the
emergence of middle classes elsewhere. In the 1960s and 1970s,
South Korea achieved a doubling of
national income per head in just over a decade (1966â77; see Green
1997, 45), enhancing the growth of the middle class (Arita
2003, 203â204). Such a doubling was achieved in eighteenth-century Britain, but only after nearly six decades (Green
1997, 45). Though no African state has yet doubled its
per capita income , some observers are convinced that the high growth ...