The collapse of the bipolar world order after the end of the Cold War in combination with increasing international interdependence and inter-state interaction in the course of globalisation seems to have prepared the ground for the latest wave of new regionalism (Hettne 1999; Hettne and Söderbaum 1998; Robson 1993; Söderbaum and Shaw 2003). The latter manifested in a large number of new and renewed regional integration organisations in virtually every corner of the world. These include the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States , the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) or the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
However, it is quite surprising that most of these so-called new regionalisms emerged outside the sphere of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and are composed, for the most part, of developing countries in the worldâs peripheral regions, in particular in the Global South 1 . This evidence is astonishing because conventional wisdom and classic regional integration theories assume that the preconditions for successful regionalism in the Southern Hemisphere areâfor a variety of reasons (particularly economic ones)âless advantageous and promising compared with those in the developed and economically more interdependent Global North (e.g. Europe ).
Nonetheless, these new regionalisms came into existence and showed (often considerable) institutional dynamics and performance with regard to their policy agendas. There is empirical evidence, however, that sometimes the development and performance of at least some of these new regionalisms are unstable and do not always seem to be entirely under the control of the regional actors only. Instead, powerful extra-regional actors seem to get involved and influence regional integration processes and projects on several occasions (Axline 1977; Doidge 2011; Muntschick 2013).
It is probably no coincidence that the phenomenon of new regionalism occurred during a time of important integration steps in the European Union (EU) which culminated in the implementation of the Single European Act and the creation of the Common Market in the early 1990s. The example of successful European integration had certainly been perceived with anxiety and admiration by many countries in the international arena, not least because this dawning âLeviathanâ likewise stood for an intimidating economic superpower and for an inspiring model of sustainable cooperation.
If one takes a look over the rim of the European teacup towards the Southern Hemisphere, there is no clear evidence that the integration efforts and institutional strengthening of the EU had a direct impact on the formation and expansion of new regionalisms in less developed regions. Because systematic and theory-driven analyses of these interesting cases are still missing, one can only speculate about the motives of countries to become members in these regional integration schemes and about the major factors and mechanisms that exerted an influence on their dynamics, institutional design and performance . Against this background, and with regard to the increasing academic interest and discussion on the whole issue of new and comparative regionalism (Börzel and Risse 2016a; Jetschke and Lenz 2011; Rosamond and Warleigh-Lack 2011; WarleighâLack and Van Langenhove 2010), the African continent offers an excellent and comparably untouched field of research. This is because a significant number of more and less promising regional integration organisations have emerged and developed there during the last few decades (Grant and Söderbaum 2003b; Söderbaum 2007).
In regard to Africa, the SADC is recognised as one of the most realistic and promising regional integration organisations on the continent. It ranks as an outstanding example of the new regionalism in the Global South . Since its foundation in 1992, the SADC has changed its development strategy from sector-specific cooperation towards a more comprehensive approach of broader vertical and deeper horizontal integration. The organisationâs common agenda is highly ambitious. However, the SADCâs institutional dynamics and progress towards deeper integration are proven by a growing number of protocols , agreements and regional cooperation projects. In the issue area of the economy , SADC member states adopted a Protocol on Trade in 1999 and successfully created a Free Trade Area (FTA) in 2008. Regarding peace and security, SADC countries established confidence-building mechanisms and set up a SADC Standby Force in August 2007. In regard to infrastructure, the SADC established, among other things, the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) in August 1995 (Adelmann 2012; Oosthuizen 2006).
In addition, the SADC has shown remarkable intra-organisational dynamics. An institutional reform process starting in 2001 led to a centralisation of several competences at the organisationâs secretariat and strengthened its capacity to guide and support member statesâ decision- and policy-making in matters of regional integration. Moreover, the SADCâs organ for security and defence cooperation was restructured and formally became part of the organisationâs institutional framework. In the same year, SADC leaders amended the founding SADC Treaty of 1992. The growth of the organisation in member countries corroborates the impression that regional integration under the SADCâs umbrella is attractive and promising for in- and outsiders. This first evidence indicates that today the SADC is one of the (few) successful examples of regionalism among developing countries (Adelmann 2012; Jaspert 2010; Oosthuizen 2006).
Aside from success stories, however, empirical observation also indicates that regionalism in the SADC is not entirely immune to stagnation and setbacks. It seems, for example, that the establishment of the scheduled SADC Customs Union is not on track and the effects of the SADC-FTA are in question. The status and operational readiness of the SADC Standby Force remain fairly unclear, and its Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre seems not be on track either. Regional infrastructure projects like the SAPP are institutions âaccording to someâmere façades and not able to meet the expectations. Nonetheless, these regional institutions do exist and operate in certain ways. But there remains uncertainty whether they have actually been fully implemented and prove effective. This tentative evidence implies that regional integration is not a one-directional process towards goal attainment per se but can also go back and forth or even stagnate. Regionalism in the SADC is obviously not just âsunshine and rosesâ but also is prone to challenges and difficulties which lead to an overall picture of ambivalence. These perceptions and qualities are what add to the SADCâs attractiveness as an interesting and very promising research case on regionalism.
In summary, the main reasons to identify the SADC as a promising example of the new regionalism in the South and to select it as an object of research for this study are as follows: Firstly, the SADC not only is a very typical and representative model of the latest wave of regionalism but also ranks among the most recognised, realistic and promising regional integration organisations in the South. Secondly, compared with other new regionalisms on global and continental levels, the SADC has reached deep and broad levels of vertical and horizontal integration respectively. The significant gap in systematic research on the SADC from a political science perspective counts as a third reason that motivates the selection of the SADC as a research object for this book.
Empirical Puzzles
Irrespectively of the allegedly less advantageous preconditions in the region , countries in Southern Africa have pursued a strategy of institutionalised regional cooperation and, in 1992, successfully established the SADC as a regional integration organisation in accordance to international law. The SADCâs achievements, together with the pronounced activities of its member countries in promoting regional integration and modernising their common institutions , have given valid grounds for believing that today the SADC represents a very vibrant and promising example of the new regionalism in the Global South . The observed âups and downsâ of regionalism in the SADC, however, give evidence that the process of regional integration is not necessarily linear and produces institutions that are not always effective at all times. Based on this observation, the following major empirical puzzles unfold:
Against the background of allegedly disadvantageous structural preconditions and, in many respects, a great heterogeneity among countries in the region , it is in the first instance puzzling why regionalism in Southern Africa actually materialisedâapparently even quite successfullyâwithin the framework of the SADC. This is even more surprising because the establishment and maintenance of regional institutions are invariably costly and it is a matter of fact that most SADC members are developing countries with very limited financial capacities and relatively strong (economic) dependence on external actors beyond âtheirâ region .
Secondly, it remains a puzzle why, at certain times, regional integration in the SADC shows distinct development and alternating dynamics with regard to the creation and modification of ...