In the following section, the reader will be introduced to a varied group of transgender communities from a global perspective. This aspect is considered in order to raise awareness of the gender and ethnic diversity of trans people which is not often reflected in the available literature. Furthermore, the essentialist view which pervades research on transgender issues reinforces the ‘Interplanetary Theory of Gender’ that assumes women engage in a gendered behaviour via their biology or socialisation, whereby women will act like women and men like men irrespective of geographical location (Kimmel 2008). This essentialist view is challenged by discussing the gender identities and gender performances of the xaniths of Oman, the hijras of India , the fa’afāfine of Samoa, the fakaleit̄i of Ton ga, the māhū of Tahiti, the sistergirls of Aboriginal Australia and the alyha , hwame , winkte and lhamana of the First Nation Native Americans , for example. Wherever information was available, it was then used to highlight the varying types of transphobic abuse experienced by some of these trans people which was socially sanctioned within their respective societies.
The Xaniths of Oman
Xaniths are of Omani origin and are considered to exhibit a distinct ‘third gender’ identity but are equated with women. Wikan’s (1982) anthropological research focuses on the xaniths of Sohar, in northern Oman. Xaniths wear distinctive pastel coloured clothes combining male and female styles in their mode of dress and hairstyle. If legally permitted, they would dress as women, but this is banned and there are severe negative sanctions which are imposed such as flogging or imprisonment if they transgress this rule. The reason not being due to their male anatomy but because they are socially female and engage in prostitution , by dressing as women they would dishonour them, as female prostitutes are not considered to exist in their society. Nevertheless, xaniths’ non-verbal behaviour is feminised, from their facial expressions, voice, laugh, mannerisms, and deportment. However, under Islamic Law they also possess all of the rights as a man, worship in the mosque with men and support themselves financially unlike females who are not financially independent. They also have male names and are referred to using male pronouns. Their varying occupations include homosexual prostitution (which is not due to economic necessity or ‘survival sex ’), as singers—which has a spiritual aspect at weddings, and they also work as domestic servants. There is a flexibility with regard to the xanith’s identity, in that, they may assume the identity of a female for several years and later revert back to a male gender identity for the remainder of their life, he may then live as a xanith until old age or he may alternate between female and male gender identities throughout his life (Wikan 1982). This fluid gender identity of xaniths is permitted amongst males only. Females must retain their gender identity throughout life and hence an intermediate third gender role is inaccessible to them. Xaniths are neither men nor women so may again like the hijras be described as an alternate gender; however, they differ from the latter as they possess male and female characteristics and are not emasculated.
The Hijra of India
The term ‘hijra’ (of Urdu origin) translated into English is ‘eunuch’ or ‘intersex’ (Nanda 1990). ‘Emasculation is the dharm (religious obligation of the hijras, and it is this renunciation of male sexuality through the surgical removal of the organ of male sexuality that is at the heart of the definition of the hijra social identity’ (Nanda 1990, p. 15). They identify with a female gender identity and role, but have masculine secondary sexual characteristics; however, some males undertake this role who do possess external male genitalia (and fear their discovery). The hijra also identifies with a predominantly homosexual orientation (see Kahn et al. 2009; Kalra 2012). Hijras self-identify as an ‘alternative gender’ by not identifying as a man or a woman. There are three modes of recruitment for males with genital abnormalities: (i) parents give them to the hijras; (ii) the hijra s claim them; and (iii) on reaching adulthood, children with these deformities will join the hijras (Agrawal 1997; Nanda 1990). Hijra s’ explicit and ‘…exaggerated use of feminine cultural symbols in their self-presentation through their mode of dress, hairstyle, names and kinship terms was in considerable dissonance with their apparent bodily status which was clearly not biologically female’ (according to Nanda, p. 287). The primary role of the hijras is their performance at the birth of a male child or wedding ceremony to bless them and bestow fertility. Although hijras also engage in sex work when they are unable to find other job opportunities, some may be self-employed or work for non-governmental organisations (UNDP 2010). Monro (2010) differentiates between the hijras who have been castrated and the Kothis (who have not) but who self-identify as female and are homosexual. ‘Hijras are akwas (not castrated) and nirvana (castrated)—some hijras are akwas, so biologically they are men—they are al so predominantly homosexual though they may be married with kids, but this is due to convenience, they are not bisexual. Kothis, are a heterogeneous group, who may exhibit bisexual behavior and marry women; they are of a lower socioeconomic status, and may engage in “survival sex” work. Some hijra-identified people may also identify themselves as “kothis”. But not all kothis identify as transgender or hijras (UNDP 2010).
Regional variations of other transgender identities include the Kinnar s (Delhi) and Aravanis Hijras (Aravanis) in Tamil Nadu, where the Aravanigal Welfare Board defines them as biological males who self-identify as a woman trapped in a male’s body (UNDP 2010). Jogtas or Jopgappas are devoted to and serve the Goddess Renukha Devi (Yellamma) in temples in Maharashtra and Karnataka. “Jogta” and “Jogti” refer to the respective male and female servants of that Goddess. To become a “Jogta” (or Jogti) it must be a family tradition or they may identify a “Guru” (or “Pujari”) who will receive them as a “Chela” or “Shishya” (disciple). The term “Jogti Hijras” may be used to denote trans females who are devotees/servants of the Goddess Renukha Devi and part of the hijra communities. Whereas “jogtas” are heterosexuals who may or may not dress in women’s clothing when worshiping the Goddess. They are also differentiated from “jogtis” who are natal females dedicated to the Goddess. However, “jogti hijras” may self-identify as “jogti” (female pronoun) or hijras, and sometimes even as “jogtas” (UNDP 2010). Shiv-Shaktis are males considered to have a relationship with a Goddess and who identify as female. “They are inducted into the Shiv-Shakti community by senior gurus, who teach them the norms, customs and rituals to be observed. Shiv-Shaktis are married in a ceremony as the bride to a sword that represents male power or Shiva (deity)” (UNDP 2010, p. 13). Shiv-Shaktis may occasionally cross-dress and use female accessories. In the main, they are of a low “...socio-economic status and earn their living as astrologers, soothsayers and spiritual healers; some also seek alms” (UNDP 2010, p. 13 ). Next, there is a brief discussion of the socially sanctioned levels of violence experienced by the hijra when in public spaces.
The hijra inhabit an institutionalised role that has spiritual elements within Indian society (Kalra 2012) and whom are venerated when hired to bless newborn infants, and wedding grooms with fertility. However, they are also treated with a combination of ridicule and fear when walking around in public. Hijras may be referred to using the derisory term ‘kaurika’ (an old penny with a hole in the middle which is obsolete, like an ‘empty shell’ which has no purpose) by small and adolescent boys (Nanda 1990). Although this verbal harassment is stated as being carried out by young boys, it could be speculated that they may also experience harassment from adult members of society especially when engaging in sex work as there is the double stigmatisation (i.e., being a sex worker and hijra) and the possible conflict experienced by clients. They may be internally conflicted as they hire hijras but despise their desire to have sex with them. Thus, this self-hatred of clients of the hijra may have parallels with that experienced by those who perpetrate transphobic violence directed at transgender sex workers described in research later in this book. Therefore, it seems there is a level of hypocrisy with regard to how these trans people are treated. Whereby, they may be subject to verbal violence and censure despite their socially ascribed role in the community, these double standards where violence is socially condoned...