Islamic Central Asia

An Anthology of Historical Sources

Scott C. Levi, Ron Sela

• Publisher: Indiana University Press
• Year: 2009
• ISBN:
  9780253013590
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Middle Eastern History
• Index: History

Islamic Central Asia is the first English-language anthology of primary documents for the study of Central Asian history. Scott C. Levi and Ron Sela draw from a vast array of historical sources to illustrate important aspects of the social, cultural, political, and economic history of Islamic Central Asia. These documents—many newly translated and most not readily available for study—cover the period from the 7th-century Arab conquests to the 19th-century Russian colonial era and provide new insights into the history and significance of the region.

Part 1

Central Asia in the Early Islamic Period, Seventh to Tenth Centuries

INTRODUCTION

Already by the middle of the seventh century AD, merely two decades after the installation of the first caliph, Abu Bakr, on the throne of the Muslim polity in Mecca, the armies of the Arab caliphate approached the banks of the Amu Darya River, a distance of more than 1,600 miles from their soon-to-be capital in Damascus. Having defeated the Sasanian Empire, the Arabs proceeded eastward and endeavored to cross the great river into the little known (to them) areas beyond it. This was not a trivial matter; indeed, the initial phase of the Arab conquest, although achieving some temporary success, did not yield any long-term results, and the Arabs were quickly pushed back to their base in the city of Merv.

The state of affairs beyond the Amu Darya was complicated. Different Iranian civilizations had deep roots in the region, and for centuries they had played a vital role in the trans-Eurasian exchange of goods and ideas. The population was heterogeneous: most spoke Iranian dialects, some spoke Turkic, and there were a variety of scripts in use. Their religious landscape was shaped by the Zoroastrian, Buddhist, Manichean, and Jewish traditions, and also by diverse Christian sects; their lands had witnessed the passage of great armies; and their politics, culture, and economy were profoundly influenced by the symbiosis between nomadic and sedentary populations. Politically fragmented, the ancient principalities of Soghdiana—the sedentary heartland of Central Asia including Samarqand, Bukhara and Ustrushana, Farghana, and Shash—raised tribute for the Turkic Qaghan in the beginning of the seventh century. To the southeast, in Tukharistan, and further to the east, along the Tarim river basin, the different city-states paid duty to Tang China until the middle of the seventh century, and then to the Tibetan Empire and the Turks.

The mostly Arab armies had to devise different strategies to cope with this mixture of civilizations, populations, political fragmentation, and ongoing imperial intrigue by Turks, Tibetans, and Chinese. Only with Qutayba b. Muslim, governor of the province of Khurasan for the Umayyads, did the Arab armies manage to make significant gains in the battlefield and emerge as the clear victors. Qutayba allied with several local rulers and sometimes with rivaling empires, recruited local troops into his own forces, and, depending upon the circumstances of his victory, treated the conquered population with different degrees of generosity and severity. The initial phase of the Muslim conquest of Central Asia included destruction of cities and old places of worship, construction of Islamic institutions, disputes over taxation, and a relatively tense interaction between the Arabs and the native inhabitants that also generated many rebellions.

At the same time, the new civilization brought with it new languages, a new religion, and new methods of administration, all of which would be incorporated—with many variations—into the fabric of the existing cultures. In the wake of the ‘Abbasid Revolution of 750, the center of gravity in the Muslim world moved to Iraq. Nevertheless, the revolution also saw the advancement of several processes that drew more attention to Central Asia. Among these are the emphasis on the role of the region and people of Khurasan and that of Persians (and Arab intermarriages with Persians). Contrary to earlier Umayyad policies, the ‘Abbasids encouraged an active policy of proselytization and increased conversion to Islam within the expanding boundaries of the caliphate. The defeat of the Chinese in the battle of Taraz (Talas) in 751 became a symbol for China’s removal from Central Asian affairs for a millennium. Thus Central Asia’s sedentary heartland became a province of the ‘Abbasid Empire and gradually an integral part of the Muslim world.

At the same time, caliphal authority in Central Asia fluctuated. Political control over the region was usually not very strong and left to local governors, sometimes appointed by Baghdad, but more often rising from the region’s population. Although attempts were made to keep the empire centralized, many local powers grew in strength and influence. These included the Tahirids, the ‘Abbasids’ governors of Khurasan who had ruled the province throughout much of the ninth century from their capital in Nishapur. The Samanids, rulers of Mawarannahr and parts of Khurasan in the ninth and tenth centuries, began as appointed subordinate governors to the Tahirids but quickly grew in power and influence to become almost autonomous rulers. The Samanid economy was based largely on agriculture and crafts (particularly textile production, paper making, and metalwork), although they also benefited from an extensive commercial network that included a thriving slave trade (see the following chapter), as well as their control over much of the silver production in that part of the world. They gained repute for standing as the barrier between the Muslim world, frequently conceptualized as the “civilized” world, and the nomadic entities of the north, often hailed as “barbarians” who supposedly aimed to destroy it from the outside. Thus, cultivating a reputation as protectors of the frontier zone against the Turks, the Samanids controlled or financed a series of frontier posts and engaged in the kind of frontier politics that was always a mixture of war and peace, trade and raids, as well as the dissemination of Islamic propagation among the “heathens.” Internal feuds and their rivalry with their Turkic neighbors brought about their downfall.

The Samanids’ economic power, their geopolitical standing, and the long tradition of erudition in the region also stimulated scholarship and learning in Samanid cities, particularly in the capital, Bukhara. During the Samanid era, Bukhara became famous for its concentration of libraries and for the numerous well-known and highly influential Muslim scholars who came from there. The sponsorship of literature in New Persian was also a noted development in that era.

This formative period of the Muslim Empire also witnessed the establishment of distinct patterns in Islamic historiography. Much was borrowed from other existing traditions, and the outcome was a myriad of styles and sources of inspiration that, under the new Islamic authority, together would also share a very clear Muslim imprint. With the establishment of Baghdad as the political and intellectual capital of the Muslim world of the eighth and ninth centuries, attempts were made to systematically explore the empire and its boundaries, particularly the roads to the east and the interaction with nomads and other peoples of the steppes. This marked the advent of what came to be called Arab geography. Extensive translations of scientific literature from territories that the Arabs had conquered, or had other interactions with, also contributed to the flourishing climate of scientific learning. Additionally, the ninth century saw a wealth of literary production as Muslim scholars were trying to understand their past and their present. Muslim authors also wrote histories and biographical dictionaries, mostly in the style of wafayat (or obituaries), and even more prominent were their theological discussions, legal opinions, geographies, travel literature, and local histories, as well as political treaties and contributions to the genre of advice literature. Most of these were written in Arabic; some were later translated into Persian. In addition to the textual sources, one should not underestimate the immense value of archaeological, numismatic, and other evidence of material culture, a body of materials that keeps growing with new explorations and excavations.

A

Central Asia and the Arab Conquests

1 Baladhuri: The Arab Conquests of Central Asia

INTRODUCTION

Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhuri (d. 892), one of the leading Arab historians of the ninth century, probably spent most of his life in Baghdad, although he traveled and studied throughout the Middle East. He apparently enjoyed a high status at the caliph’s court, particularly during the reign of the ‘Abbasid caliphs al-Mutawakkil (d. 861) and al-Musta‘ in (d. 866). Al-Baladhuri composed a number of works, some based on genealogical tables, but his best-known work, the Futuh al-buldan (Conquest of the lands) remains one of the most valuable sources that deal with the history of the Arab conquests. It was edited already in the 1860s by the Dutch Orientalist de Goeje, and was translated into English by Phillip Hitti and F. C. Murgotten under the title The Origins of the Islamic State beginning in 1916. According to tradition, al-Baladhuri died of over-indulging himself on the baladhur (hence, his nickname)—a kind of nut whose properties were believed to improve one’s memory.

In this excerpt, the author outlines the beginning of the Arab conquest of Central Asia in the early eighth century, a conquest that received new impetus with the appointment of Qutayba ibn Muslim to the position of governor of Khurasan in AD 712. The passage details Qutayba’s and his successors’ different strategies for conquest, for dealing with local rulers and notable land owners (dihqan), for treating captives, and for engaging rebellions. The details are presented in Baladhuri’s style of collecting and condensing “evidence,” whether hearsay or written accounts (there were apparently many accounts of the conquest, sometimes limited to particular locales), always trying to trace the evidence back to the source, while avoiding literary flair, and offering little to no commentary on the facts reported.

Qutayba governor of Khurasan. Al-Hajjaj [the governor of Iraq] then appointed as governor of Khurasan Qutayba ibn Muslim al-Bahili. He made an expedition against Akharun. When he was in Taleqan, the two dihqans of Balkh met him and crossed the river with him. At the time he crossed the river, there also came to him the king of Saghaniyan with gifts and a golden key, paying him submission and inviting him to settle in his country. The king of Akharun and Shuman had been oppressing and raiding the king of Saghaniyan, and that is why he gave Qutayba these presents and this invitation. The king of Kafyan came to Qutayba with the same purpose as that for which the king of Saghaniyan had come to him, and both surrendered their lands to him.

Conquests by Salih. Qutayba withdrew to Merv, leaving his brother, Salih, as his lieutenant over Transoxiana. Salih conquered Kasan and Urasht, which is part of Farghana. With him in his army was Nasr ibn Sayyar. Salih conquered . . . and Khashka of Farghana, its ancient capital. The last of the conquerors of Kasan and Urasht was Nuh ibn Asad, the people thereof having risen in rebellion in the caliphate of the Commander of the Believers, al-Muntasir-billah.

Paykend reduced. The king of Juzjan sent envoys to Qutayba, who made peace with him on condition that he come to him. He did so, but later returned, and died in Taleqan. Then Qutayba, Nizak¹ being with him, raided Paykend in the year 87. He crossed the river from Zamm to Paykend, which is the nearest of the cities of Bukhara to the river. They rebelled and asked the Soghdians for aid, but Qutayba attacked them, invading their country and besieging them. They asked for terms, but he reduced the city by force.

Tumushkat and Karminiya. Qutayba raided Tumushkat and Karminiya in the year 88, leaving as his lieutenant over Merv his brother, Bashshar ibn Muslim. After capturing a few small forts, Qutayba made peace with them. He also raided Bukhara and reduced it by treaty.

Ibn al-Muthanna’s account. Qutayba made an expedition against Bukhara. The inhabitants defended themselves against him, and he said, “Let me enter the city, and I will only pray two rak‘as therein.” They gave him permission to do so, but he concealed some men in ambush, and upon entering the city, these over-powered the gate keepers, and the Muslims entered the city. Qutayba obtained much money thereby, dealing perfidiously with the inhabitants. He assaulted Soghd; killed Nizak in Tukharistan, and crucified him, and reduced Kesh and Nasaf [Nakhshab] by treaty.

The king of Khorezm. The king of Khorezm was weak, and Khurzad, his brother, had opposed him and overpowered him. The king sent to Qutayba, saying, “I will make thee such and such gifts, and deliver unto thee the keys, on condition that thou establish me securely as king over my country instead of my brother.”

Khorezm consists of three cities encompassed by a moat. The strongest of them is Madinat al-Fil. ‘Ali ibn Mujahid says that Madinat al-Fil is merely Samarqand. The king established himself in the strongest of the cities and sent to Qutayba the money specified in his agreement with him, and the keys. Qutayba dispatched his brother, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muslim, against Khurzad, whom he attacked and killed, getting possession of 4,000 captives. He put these to death, and established the former king of Khorezm on the throne in accordance with the agreement made with him. The people of his kingdom, however, said to the Muslim, “He (their king) is weak.” And they assaulted and killed him. Qutayba appointed his brother, ‘Ubaydallah ibn Muslim, governor of Khorezm.

Samarqand reduced. Qutayba raided Samarqand, where the kings of Soghd formerly used to live, although later they made their abode in Ishtikhan. Qutayba besieged the people of Samarqand, engaging in many battles. While the fighting was going on between them, the king of Soghd wrote to the king of Shash, who was staying in Tarbend. The latter came to him with a number of his soldiery. The Muslims met them and there was a very fierce engagement. Finally Qutayba, with a sudden charge, put the enemy to rout. Ghurak (ruler of Samarqand) capitulated, the terms being an annual payment of 1,200,000 dirhams, and that the Muslim might conduct prayers in the city. Qutayba entered the city, where Ghurak had prepared for him a feast. He ate and led in prayer; constructed a mosque, and departed, leaving in the city several Muslims, among them al-Dahhak ibn Muzahim, author of the commentary on the Qur’an.

Another version. Other authorities say that Qutayba granted peace for 700,000 dirhams and entertainment for the Muslims for three days. The terms of the surrender included also the houses of the idols and the fire temples. The idols were thrown out, plundered of their ornaments, and burned, although the Persians used to say that among them was one idol with which whoever trifled would perish. But when Qutayba set fire to it with his own hand, many of them accepted Islam. Al-Mukhtar ibn Ka‘b al-Ju‘fi says of Qutayba:

He subdued Soghd with the tribes until

He left the Soghdians sitting in nakedness.

‘Umar orders an investigation. Abu ‘Ubaida and others say: When ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz became caliph, there came to him representatives of the people of Samarqand who complained to him that Qutayba had entered their city and settled the Muslims there fraudulently. ‘Umar wrote to his ‘amil with orders to appoint them a qazi to investigate what they had related, and, if he decided in favor of expelling the Muslims, they should be expelled. The ‘amil appointed for them Jumai‘ ibn Hadir al-Baji, who decreed the expulsion of the Muslims, provided that the two parties should fight upon equal terms. But the people of the city of Samarqand were averse to warfare, and let the Muslims remain, and so they stayed among them. . . .

Sa‘id al-Khudhayna. Afterwards Yazid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, when he became ruler, appointed Maslama ibn ‘Abd al-Malik governor of Iraq and Khurasan. Maslama appointed Sa‘id ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ibn al-Harith ibn al-Hakam ibn Abu’l-‘Asi ibn Umayya to govern Khurasan. This Sa‘id was nicknamed Hudhayfa (the one with the clipped hair), because some one of the dihqans of Transoxiana happened upon him in a yellow gown and with his hair done up, and said, “This is Hudhayfa,” meaning “mistress.” Sa‘id was Maslama’s nephew.

Sa‘id’s lieutenant defeated. Sa‘id sent on as his lieutenant Sawra ibn al-Hurr al-Hanthali. Later he sent his son. The latter crossed over to Transoxiana and established himself at Ishtikhan. The Turks had attacked the city, but he entered into conflict with them, putting them to rout, and protecting the people from their exactions for a long time. Later on he met the Turks in battle again, and they defeated him and made a great slaughter among his followers; and Sa‘id appointed Nasr ibn Sayyar to the command. . . .

Khudhayna replaced by al-Jurashi. Some of Khurasan’s leading people sought audience with Maslama, compl...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgments
• Note on Translation and Transliteration
• Map
• Introduction
• Part 1 Central Asia in the Early Islamic Period, Seventh to Tenth Centuries
• Part 2 Encounter with the Turks
• Part 3 The Mongol Empire
• Part 4 Timur and the Timurids
• Part 5 Central Asia in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
• Part 6 Central Asia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries
• Glossary
• Index