International Student Engagement in Higher Education

Transforming Practices, Pedagogies and Participation

Margaret Kettle

• Publisher: Multilingual Matters
• Year: 2017
• ISBN:
  9781783098217
• Topic: Bildung
• Subtopic: Erwachsenenbildung

Hand-in-hand with the continuing drive to recruit international students to Western universities goes an interest in student engagement. However, it is often unclear exactly what is meant by engagement. This book goes beyond the policy rhetoric to provide a practice-based explication of international student engagement and its enabling institutional conditions. By utilising a social practice conceptual model, the book explains the multiple dimensions of engagement that are often conflated in policy: the antecedents to engagement, the actions of engaging, and the achievements and outcomes of engagement. As a result, the book is able to address issues such as how English comes to matter in international student academic practice; the teaching and assessment approaches that promote international student engagement; and the metacognitive, cognitive and affective strategies that international students use to achieve academic and personal transformation.

1The Globalisation and Internationalisation of Higher Education

Introduction

This chapter builds on the Preface in which the rationale for the book and its focus on international student engagement were introduced. The point was made that diversity and change are the norm in contemporary higher education as increasing numbers of students leave their home countries to enrol in study programmes abroad (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2014). This chapter explicates the student mobility patterns, government policy initiatives and debates that are contextualising international higher education around the world.

More than 4.5 million students were enrolled in universities outside of their country of citizenship in 2012 (OECD, 2014). This number represents more than double the number of internationally mobile students enrolled at overseas institutions in 2000, with an almost 7% annual increase for the years from 2000 to 2012. The dramatic change reflects the interest of sending countries and students themselves in moving beyond national borders to pursue different languages, cultures and knowledge systems. One way to gain this valued knowledge, together with qualifications, is to undertake study at universities in overseas countries.

For governments, mobility helps foster economic and social interconnectedness with other countries, while for students, overseas tertiary experience is a means of credentialing for participation in the international labour market. The historical data on international student mobility and higher education enrolments indicate a dynamic and volatile environment, highly responsive to global and national forces. Currently, national priorities and individual aspirations in Asia are driving mass interest in overseas education. Students from Asian countries represent 53% of all international students, with China, India and Korea leading as the top source countries (OECD, 2014). The main destinations are Anglophone, dominated by the US, the UK and Australia, pointing to the desirability of English language capacity in national and international job markets. In response, the landscape is diversifying with more and more universities in non-Anglophone countries such as Denmark and the Philippines offering courses in English and playing to the preferences of European and Asian students to study beyond their national borders but within their region (McGeown, 2012; OECD, 2013a).

At present, the country sending most students to external study destinations is China. Within the 34 member states of the OECD,1 students from China accounted for 22% of all international higher education enrolments in 2012 (OECD, 2014). Of the Chinese students studying overseas, 28% chose the US, 11% studied in Australia, 6% were in Korea, 13% in Japan and 11% studied in the UK. The second-largest group of international students in OECD countries in 2012 was from India (5.8%) with approximately 45% enrolled in the US, 17% in the UK, 6% in Canada and 5% in Australia.

The main destination for international students is the US, with 16.5% of the total population of international students (Australian Education International [AEI], 2013). The next preferred destination is the UK, followed by Germany, France and Australia. These five countries, together with Canada, receive more than 50% of all foreign students worldwide (OECD, 2014). Interestingly, Germany and France are large sending as well as receiving countries. Japan receives a high number of Chinese enrolments through its educational aid programme which it uses to facilitate internationalisation of universities and society more broadly (Marginson et al., 2010). China is the recipient of 65% of Japan’s educational aid.

Despite these consistent trends, patterns of student mobility are highly susceptible to influences such as marketing and recruitment approaches. For example, the share of international students choosing the US as their country of destination for tertiary education fell from 23% in 2000 to 16% in 2012 (OECD, 2014). In the same period, Germany’s share dropped by three percentage points. In contrast, Korea’s and New Zealand’s proportions grew by 1% and the UK and the Russian Federation grew by 2% (OECD, 2014). Furthermore, universities in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean attracted increasing numbers of international students. The changes reflect differences in countries’ approaches to internationalisation ranging from marketing campaigns in the Asia-Pacific region and elsewhere to more local and university-driven approaches in the US.

In addition, the deterioration of the US market might be attributed to high tuition fees for international students compared with lower fees in other English-speaking destinations offering similar courses. The attraction of New Zealand can be partly explained by the reduction in tuition fees of advanced research programmes for international students to the same level as that paid by domestic students (OECD, 2014). Lee (2015) maintains that despite the fall in international enrolments in US institutions in 2011–2012, their financial contributions were still significant. In 2012, international students and their families injected US$25 billion into the US economy, with over 70% coming from sources outside the country (Institute of International Education [IIE], 2013).

Student mobility as captured in the statistics above shows mass movement across regional, national, cultural, educational and linguistic lines into new and unfamiliar spaces. Yet, the wandering scholar is not a new phenomenon. Indeed, Teichler (2004) finds surprising claims that universities are internationalising or should internationalise given that universities have always been regarded as the most international of a society’s institutions. Gathering information and innovations from all over the world has always been highly valued by academics (Teichler, 2004). What has changed is the scale, momentum and directions of student flows – a fivefold increase since 1975 (OECD, 2013a).

Across all the statistics, Australian higher education is an obvious presence. Indeed, Australia’s percentage of international students within its tertiary cohort is the highest in the world – 19.8% or almost one-fifth (OECD, 2013a). The countries with the next highest proportions of international students at universities are, in descending order, the UK, Switzerland, New Zealand and Austria, as ranked in relation to other OECD and Group of 20 (G20) nations (OECD, 2013a). Not surprisingly, the trend in student mobility is leading to more culturally and linguistically diverse student populations in universities around the world. In response, the OECD (2008) has called for educational institutions to turn their attention to curricula and teaching methods.

The challenge for universities is that they have been national institutions growing up alongside and under the protection of nation states. In Australia, universities have been understood as internationally linked but nationally aligned, principally to nation-building and local priorities. Internationalising raises questions about a consciousness and commitment beyond national concerns. Initial calls in Australia for an internationalised curriculum that focuses on educational, cultural and linguistic difference through new approaches to curriculum planning, design and delivery (Rizvi & Walsh, 1998) continue to be works in progress. The peak body representing Australia’s 39 established universities, Universities Australia (UA, 2013), has produced a statement on global engagement and called for institutions to develop a more global curriculum.

In Europe, similar calls have been made. For example, a report titled Internationalisation of Higher Education produced for the European Parliament found that internationalisation initiatives have largely remained focused on student and staff mobility and transnational course offerings rather than developing internationalised curricula ‘at home’ (Havergal, 2015). The report makes the argument that an internationalised curriculum develops intercultural programmes which provide education for all students about citizenship in an interconnected global world.

Why students are going global

The overall increase in international student mobility around the world is attributable to phenomena at both global and local levels. Worldwide there is an ‘exploding demand for higher education’ and the pervasive perception that studying abroad at a prestigious post-secondary institution is a highly valuable experience (OECD, 2013a: 304). At the local level, governments are initiating policies to promote mobility within certain geographic areas as well as targeting support at students interested in studying abroad in fields important to the country’s development.

Additional factors accounting for the increased momentum in student mobility are concerted efforts by some countries to recruit beyond their national boundaries. Australia is one country that has adopted such an approach and assiduously marketed its education programmes overseas, particularly in the Asian region. For recruiting countries such as Australia, higher education becomes an export industry and a highly lucrative revenue source. In addition, it becomes an avenue for immigration, especially for high-achieving graduates with qualifications in priority occupations and skill categories. Indeed, several OECD countries have changed their immigration policies to facilitate temporary or permanent residency for international students (OECD, 2014). For smaller and less-developed countries, boosting support for students to study overseas is one way to alleviate local costs. Funding students to travel ensures an educated workforce but is more cost-effective than expanding the local tertiary system. Notably, international students’ choices of study programmes tend to be different to those of their local counterparts (OECD, 2013a). Following the priorities of their sending countries and the nature of scholarships, international students may choose courses that are not available in their home countries or are highly specialised and well regarded in the host institution. Equally, the students’ choices may be linked to their own employment prospects and gaining a competitive edge in the field.

Individual aspirations and agendas are potent forces in decisions about overseas study, particularly as the financial capacity of families in sending countries increases. For most students, the selection of a study destination is based on four criteria: the language of instruction, the quality of the programme, the tuition fees and, to a lesser degree, the immigration policy of the host country (OECD, 2013a). The dominance of English-speaking countries in the list of top international student destinations attests to the importance of English for many students – both the opportunity to develop English proficiency in an immersion setting as well as the value of English language qualifications and expertise.

The accentuated role of English in the destination choices of international students has been recognised since the beginning of the 21st century when scholars were attempting to account for new globalised interactions and transactions and their links to increases in student movement across national borders. Luke (2001) argued that the increased mobility was largely to do with students seeking to gain access to English and skills that could promote greater workplace flexibility and geographical mobility. She noted that the student flows were not bidirectional; rather they were primarily from south to north and east to west. Central to the search for English was the pursuit of Western credentials and knowledge (Luke, 2001; Rizvi, 2000).

Bruch and Barty (1998) were also interested in the phenomenon of increased international student mobility and pointed to globalisation and growing affluence in sending countries as factors. They argued that globalised commerce and communication were creating networks that affected education systems and made isolation almost impossible. These factors together with the growing affluence of middle-class families in sending countries were leading to higher numbers of students travelling overseas to study (Bruch & Barty, 1998). More students could afford the costs of international study and more institutional places were being offered. With the improved ease and speed of international travel, students could match their resources and expectations with the educational opportunities abroad.

The conditions have not receded and more latterly, an overseas education continues to be a major investment for students and their families as they seek upward social mobility and financial and job security either at home or in a migration-oriented English-speaking country (Marginson et al., 2010). The direction of international student flows continues to be largely from developing countries to developed, English-speaking countries although this is changing (Ryan, 2013). As discussed in Chapter 5, many non-Anglophone countries in Europe and Asia are now tapping into the desire for English and actively entering the international education market with offerings of courses in English. Countries such as Japan and increasingly China are attracting students without an emphasis on English but rather on knowledge sharing and mutual exchange – interests which are more acute at a time of increased diplomacy, trade and security (IIE, 2011). Despite the ongoing power of English and teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL) in the international student market (Chowdhury & Phan, 2014), the patterns and drivers of mobility are beginning to become more variegated and multidirectional.

Possibly because of the increased provision of programmes around the world, quality has become a key factor in students’ decisions about where to study (OECD, 2013a). Perceptions of quality are growing in importance and are part of the escalating regime of university ranking underway nationally and internationally. Well-known ranking scales include the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) Shanghai Jiao Tong and the Times Higher Education World University Rankings. The ARWU Shanghai Jiao Tong scale prioritises research indicators such as Nobel Prize winners and citations in journals such as Nature and Science (Shanghai Ranking, 2015) while the Times Higher Education World University Rankings scale combines research with teaching, knowledge transfer and international outlook which includes student diversity and international collaborations (TES Global, 2016). Students have ready online and print access to the rankings and information about top-ranked higher education institutions and are using these data to inform their decisions. Marginson et al. (2010) note that reputation and course quality are key factors in many postgraduate students’ decision to study in the US, despite the perception that it is not entirely safe as a destination. US institutions dominate the world university rankings; in 2014–2015 the ARWU Shanghai Jiao Tong listed 8 American universities in its top 10; the Times Higher Education World University Rankings featured 7 in its top 10.

In addition to language of instruction and programme quality, tuition fee structures are fundamental considerations for students when deciding on a study destination (OECD, 2013a). Since the beginning of the 21st century, education systems have diversified and marketised. Patterns of tuition fees and funding arrangements have reflected national policies and also the political, cultural and economic relationships between countries including those across the OECD. For example, some OECD countries such as Finland, Iceland and Norway have combined low or no tuition fee structures with the increased availability of English-medium programmes. These initiatives have contributed to a growth in international students numbers (OECD, 2013a). However, in other countries, the absence of fees means that international enrolments have created a financial burden on the countries of destination. In response, countries such as Denmark and Sweden have introduced some fees and similar changes are being discussed in Finland (OECD, 2014).

In other contexts such as Australia and New Zealand, patterns of fees that have dictated higher tuition costs for international students over domestic students have not hampered growth in international enrolments. In Australia, foreign students are ineligible for government-subsidised places and are required to pay full costs; at postgraduate level this can mean fees four times higher than those of their domestic counterparts. The close political relationship between Australia and New Zealand means that New Zealanders are exempted from the international fee structure and pay the same fees as Australian students. New Zealand has a similar model with reciprocal rights for Australian students. The success of the two countries in attracting international students lends itself to the conclusion that tuition costs may not discourage students, especially if they perceive the quality of the education to be high and the return on investment worthwhile (OECD, 2013a).

The increasing capacity and discernment of students in their choices of programmes and study destinations across the world together with the increased availability and multiplicity of study options provided by universities highlight the complex supply and demand relationships characterising global higher education. Indeed, commercially driven higher education in countries such as Australia has long been characterised as operating along market logics, co-opting principles and practices from business models and redeploying them in education contexts (Fairclough, 1993; Marginson, 2006; M...

Table of contents

• Cover-Page
• Half-Title
• Series
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• 1 The Globalisation and Internationalisation of Higher Education
• 2 International Students in the Western Academy: Representations Across Time
• 3 Conceptualising International Student Engagement
• 4 University People and Places: Diversity in Action
• 5 English: What Counts in the Academy
• 6 Teaching: Generating Learning and Participation
• 7 Crafting Lives: Action, Austerity, Aesthetics
• 8 International Student Engagement in Higher Education
• References
• Index