1 Introduction: Nascent Tourism in Victoria, Australia â Insights Into the Evolution of Its Tourism Landscape by Ian D. Clark
This work is concerned with the emergence of tourism in colonial Victoria, Australia, and is part of ongoing research into understanding Victoriaâs âtourism era of discoveryâ (Towner, 1996: 140). It is concerned with the processes of âopening upâ new attractions and its focus is the discovery state of the development of tourism or what Young (1983) has termed âpretourismâ. Victoriaâs tourism era of discovery, here defined as ânascent tourismâ or âpretourismâ, is a period that has generally been neglected in tourism histories in Australia, notwithstanding the recent works of Bonyhady (2000), Horne (2005), and Inglis (2007). Nascent tourism, defined as the embryonic or emergent phase in which natural attractions are coming into being as the subject of tourist visitation, will be contextualized in the study of eight tourism sites that will be the primary focus of this work.
Travellersâ accounts and other contemporary sources will be used to provide us with insights into Victoriaâs nascent tourism â through them; we should be able to see the various places that were emerging as tourist sites in the colonial space. The sources are interrogated as journals or narratives that offer a biography of the journey in ways similar to Carterâs (1988) and Ryanâs (1996) interrogations of the journals of Australian explorers. These accounts enable observations of tourism and travel phenomena to be contrasted and allow geographical and temporal controls to be applied. Accounts from the 1830s and 1840s, for example, capture the nascent state of hospitality and travel as it was centred around squatting stations; the 1850s and 1860s show the evolution of an accommodation industry away from Melbourne and the improvement of transport infrastructure contrasted with the chaos caused by the gold rushes and the emergence of fledgling townships such as Ararat and Ballarat.
1.1 Understanding the Colonial Settler Gaze
To understand the colonial settler gaze in Victoria, it is necessary to understand the conventions or tropes that mediated it. The cultural milieu of the various travellers needs to be contextualized, especially the prevailing paradigms or conventions of seeing, particularly the âcult of the Sublimeâ, the âcult of the Gothicâ (Ousby, 2002), the picturesque and the panoramic (Ryan, 1996). Renderings of the new world landscape in terms of old world paradigms, or the notion of pictorial colonization, should emerge in the various travel accounts. Furthermore, the role of settlers in mediating tourism, something I dubbed ânascent private tourismâ will be scrutinized â especially the scenic attractions and other places of interest that settlers, as hosts, showed their guests. In these settings, the settlers were themselves discoverers and explorers.
Henry Brownâs (1862: 35) experience upon disembarking in Melbourne encapsulates the âshock of the newâ that confronted many travellers: âI can truly say that I left the ship with a sigh of regret. It may be that the strangeness of all around made me cling instinctively to something that had been in England, and to which I was accustomed, but I have since learnt that there are few who leave a vessel, where they have been comfortable, without similar feelingsâ. Richard Howitt (1845: 168) also discussed the problems emigrants faced in new colonies, something he described as âhomereturn-anxietyâ, where emigrants are personally âabroad, but mentally at home; living, moving, and having their existence amongst friends and kindredâ. Kinahan Cornwallis (1859: 33f) confirmed that first impressions of Australia were often incorrect: âThe beauties of Australia have been frequently painted in the brightest and most inviting of hues, and I had read those pleasant book pictures before my embarkation from England; but instead of the beautiful, I had as yet only experienced the wretched, and on this, my first night in Australia ⌠After experience however proved to me that Australia abounded less in shadow than in sunshine, and that my first experiences of the country were the worstâ. Richard Twopeny (1870: 1) counselled his readers that âIn one sense the visitor is disappointed with his first day in an Australian city. The novelties and differences from the Old Country do not strike him nearly so much as the resemblances. It is only as he gets to know the place better that he begins to notice the differences. The first prevailing impression is that a slice of Liverpool has been bodily transplanted to the Antipodes, that you must have landed in England again by mistake, and it is only by degrees that you begin to see that the resemblance is more superficial than realâ.
Several travellers considered Victoria to be very English. Frenchman, Ludovic Marquis de Beauvoir (1870: 19, 30), for example, was struck by the Englishness of Victoria and although he believed it was âa good thing to arrive at a place without any preconceived notions or prejudices, to wait for and seize upon first impressions, though very likely riper experience may change oneâs opinionâ, âsince I have landed it has struck me that the local tone of the country consists precisely in being no local tone at all, and that the colony, contrary to custom, resembles the mother country in a very unusual mannerâ. Samuel Smiles (1880: 179) who spent 18 months working as an accountant at Majorca, near Maryborough, during 1868-9, considered life in Victoria was very much like life in England. âThere are the same people, the same callings, the same pleasures and pursuits ⌠Indeed, Victoria is only another England, with a difference, at the Antipodes. The character, the habits of life, and tone of thought of the people, are essentially Englishâ. Charles Carter (1870: 188) was struck with the English appearance of the country on both sides of the railway, at Malmesbury [sic], Kyneton, Woodend, all about Mount Macedonâ, and Mossman and Banister (1853: 62) considered the âopen forest-landsâ of Victoria âhave very much the appearance of Hyde Park and Kensington Gardensâ.
But Clara Aspinall (1862: 162) did not share their opinion and considered that Australian scenery âcannot certainly bear comparison with British scenery; at the same time, I must add that I have seen some very pretty spots, and some very fine views in Australia; but whenever this happened to me, my first exclamation always was, âHow very lovely! How very English!â Generally speaking, there is a monotony in the scenery of Australia which is wearisome to the eye. ⌠There is one want in Australia, which must always be felt in a new country by the traveler who is in search of the picturesque: namely, the want of scenes, ruins, or edifices hallowed by a sense of antiquityâ. Robert Henderson (1911), an evangelist in Australia, concurred with Aspinall: âFace to face with a new country and new conditions, I soon saw that, with the exception of a few centres of population and scattered villages, a mere handful of people were in possession of a vast Island-Continent, consisting of great flock-masters and their shepherds, of farmers and gold-diggers, who had taken over the hunting grounds of the Aborigines, and were driving them into the interior and decimating them. In vain you looked for venerable cathedrals, baronial halls, old castles, famous battlefields, Druidical remains, or ancient history. Everything was new, and in the interior, wild and primitive. The only thing that could boast of antiquity was the black man, the native of the soilâ (Henderson, 1911: 149). However, Christopher Hodgson (1846: 174) whose interests were botanical and geological, did not share Aspinallâs or Hendersonâs opinions, and considered that âAustralia to the geologist is a truly interesting and wonderful country; unfolding new mysteries every day, and leaving simple man to revel in the midst of wonder, uncertainty and amazementâ.
To understand the history of tourism visitation and the evolution of tourism attractions, this study uses perspectives developed by MacCannell (1976), Butler (1980), and Gunn (1994). MacCannellâs (1976) research into the development of secular attractions through five stages â sight sacralization or naming, framing and elevation, enshrinement, duplication, and social reproduction â will be tested to see if it satisfactorily accounts for the development of the eight attractions that are the focus of this study. Butlerâs (1980) tourism area life-cycle model may explain any subsequent stagnation and decline of the attractions. Finally, Gunnâs (1994) spatial model of attractions should be able to add a spatial dimension to understanding the history of recreation planning at each attraction in terms of the three zones (nucleus, inviolate belt, and zone of closure) of visitor interaction outlined in his model.
MacCannellâs model has been applied to specific studies of particular tourism sites, including Jacobsenâs (1997) study of a cape in Norway; Clarkâs (2002b) preliminary study of Lal Lal Falls in Victoria, Australia, Sladeâs (2003) investigation of Gallipoli, Turkey, and more recently Forristal, Marsh, and Lehtoâs (2011) analysis of Historic Prophetstown in Battle Ground, Indiana, in the United States. Forristal et al (2011: 574) note that the âuse of MacCannellâs site sacralisation model is not a quantitative exercise, but rather a subjective and qualitative one. There is no specific or agreedupon operationalization of the model. Indeed, the beauty and strength of the model lies in its flexible application to a wide range of sites and situationsâ.
1.2 First Phase: Sight Sacralization and Naming
MacCannell (1976) has identified the first phase in the development of attractions as âsight sacralizationâ or ânamingâ when the sight or site is given a name. A fundamental step in its demarcation as a place of interest is its naming. In the case of Gunnâs (1994) spatial model of attractions, the site is the nucleus of the attraction, the principal focus of visitor interest. This sacralization stage corresponds with Butlerâs (1980) âexplorationâ stage in which tourism as such is nascent and visitor numbers are dispersed and insignificant, a stage best described as âpre-tourismâ.
1.3 Second Phase: Framing and Elevation
The second phase identified by MacCannell (1976) in the evolution of attractions is âframing and elevationâ which he argued results from an increase in visitation, when demand requires some form of management intervention, whereby the sight is displayed more prominently and framed off. MacCannellâs framing and elevation phase corresponds with Gunnâs (1994) âinviolate beltâ zone in his spatial model. The inviolate belt represents the essential setting of the nucleus, it is the area immediately surrounding it, and serves as the psychological setting for introducing the visitor to the attraction. This period also correlates with Butlerâs âinvolvementâ stage, which is characterised by an increase in tourist visitation and the emergence of an incipient tourism industry developing around the destination.
1.4 Third Phase: Enshrinement
MacCannell (1976) has identified âenshrinementâ as the third phase in the evolution of attractions. By this he means a phase where there is an increase in tourism numbers and the attractionâs reputation is enhanced. During this phase the attraction developed its third and final spatial zone, as outlined by Gunn (1994) â that of its âzone of closureâ, an outer area of community influence of travel structures such as land uses for modern travel services, such as railway stations and grandstands. The enshrinement phase equates with Butlerâs (1980) âdevelopmentâ, âconsolidationâ, and âstagnationâ stages, which are characterised initially by rapid tourism growth and dramatic changes in the tourism industry associated with the destination, its consolidation, and then its stagnation represented by declining visitor numbers.
1.5 Fourth Phase: Duplication
MacCannellâs (1976) fourth phase in the development of attractions, is that of âduplicationâ, when copies of the nucleus of the attraction, are made available through media such as paintings, photographs, and postcards.
1.6 Fifth Phase: Social Reproduction
For MacCannell, the final stage is social reproduction which âoccurs when groups, cities, and regions begin to name themselves after famous attractionsâ.
Through a series of case studies from Victoria, summarized below, this work complements Horneâs (2005) exploration of the evolution of ideas of wonder in scenic Australia in the nineteenth century that helped to create both a tourism industry and an enduring interest in the natural environment. For Horne (2005: 8), the âanswer to the question of why particular natural features became favourite destinations for nineteenth-century tourists in Australia is in their appeal to certain nineteenth-century cultural interests and sensibilities, the wonder expected to be inspired by a view, a geological formation, a botanical specimenâ. Indeed, the sites that are studied in this book are themselves vestige...