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Brown Skin, White Masks
The black man wants to be white. The white man is desperately trying to achieve the rank of manâŠAs painful as it is for us to have to say this: there is but one destiny for the black man. And it is white.
Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (1952)
When Americans inaugurated their first African-American president, Barack Hussein Obama, this prompted me to reread Frantz Fanonâs Black Skin, White Masks and to reflect on what it meant when it was first published, in 1952, and what it means now that a black man is in the White House.
I first read Fanonâs masterwork as a youth in Iran in the 1970s. Post-e Siyah, Suratak-ha-ye Sefid still sounds more elegiac to my ears than Black Skin, White Masks, even more so than its French title, Peau Noire, Masques Blanc. Since then I have read and taught Fanonâs now furious, now soothing soul book too many times to recall. I call to mind the quote âDonât expect to see any explosion today. Itâs too early ⊠or too lateâ.1 I feel that the span of my own lifeâthe more than half a century of despair and delight that has passed between 1951, when I was born in Iran (two years before the CIA-engineered coup of 1953), and today, some years past the world-changing events of September 11, 2001âis summed up in those opening lines of Fanonâs. I grew up thinking it was too early for that explosion; I now live thinking it is too late.
I still have my youthful marginalia in the Persian translation of Black Skin, White Masks and my middle-aged comments in its English translation; they show none of the anger I now feel. More than anything else, it is Fanonâs calm and composure that commands my attention today:
I honestly think, however, itâs time some things were said. Things Iâm going to say, not shout. Iâve long given up shoutingâŠThis book should have been written three years ago. But at the time the truths made our blood boil. Today the fever has dropped and truths can be said without having them hurled into peopleâs faces. They are not intended to endorse zealousness. We are wary of being zealous. Every time we have seen it hatched somewhere it has been an omen of fire, famine, and poverty, as well as contempt for man.2
I do my share of shouting in this book. And I too have postponed writing it, as it happens, for three years after I fired the first shotsâand still I can only aspire to Fanonâs composure. There is also another, rather uncanny, similarity. What probably angered Fanon initially and compelled him into writing Black Skin, White Masks was the publication, in 1948, of a self-loathing novella, I Am a Martinican Woman, by his fellow Martinican Mayotte CapĂ©cia; what impelled me was the publication, in 2003, of a memoir, Reading Lolita in Tehran, by CapĂ©ciaâs kindred spirit Azar Nafisi. Why are we always more incensed and troubled by someone who looks and sounds like us than by any other? Is it because we identify with them, or because the worldâthe white worldâidentifies us with them? Fanon had the wisdom and patience to wait until he published his Black Skin, White Masks to bare his thoughts on I Am a Martinican Woman; his scathing critique comprises the second chapter. I can boast no such wisdom and patience, even though I too sat on my review for three years. When Fanon wrote his book he was 27 years old, already battle-fatigued from thinking, reading, writing, and fighting against racism, and on the verge of joining the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). It is one thing to be angry and zealous at 27; it is something entirely different at 57. Fanon wrote Black Skin, White Masks in Algeria, the site of French colonialism; I write in New York, the commercial capital of a beleaguered empire. The world in Fanonâs time was squarely divided between the colonizer and the colonizedâNorth and South, West and East. The world we live in today is no longer thus divided. Certainly, people continue to be colonized apaceââpeopleâ, as Fanon wrote, âin whom an inferiority complex has taken root, whose local cultural originality has been committed to the graveâ.3 The powerful still invade, and occupy, and rule, and plunder, and the weak fight back and yield and defy and die and regroupâinside and outside Algeria. There is an Algeria in Louisiana (the reporting of Hurricane Katrina has made this better known), and the United States now has military bases all over the worldâincluding one off the coast of Algeria.
Though written in an entirely different stage in the long history of colonialismâwhen the colonizers were white and they flaunted their guns in the streets of the worldâs Algerias against colored populations who inconvenienced themâFanonâs gut-wrenching text remains all too relevant to a colonialism that has now clothed its naked barbarism and entered a neocolonial stage of globalization, with native informers preaching that imperial adventurism is good for the world, and above all for the people targeted for invasion and salvation. There is a rude and remorseless matter-of-factness about the US-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and a barefaced vulgarity about Israelâs prolonged appropriation and occupation of Palestine and its repeated invasions of Lebanon that defies common decencyâand yet these atrocities are committed with the straight faces of the morally benevolent. In Fanonâs time, the barbarism of French colonialism inspired a Jean-Paul Sartre to create an entire philosophical school out of his rousing condemnation of the French occupation. In my time, the US-led invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq have produced an Alan Dershowitz and a Michael Ignatieff to justify barbarity and defend tortureânot despite the strictures of Western jurisprudence and human-rights discourse but, in fact, through them; and they are still aided by the native informers who are the central concern of this study.
HIS PROPHETIC SOUL
No matter how hard the native informer tries to hide behind a veil of anonymity, conducting himself as though he has always lived and worked in Washington, DC, he enters the capital city only too aware that Fanon has already seen through his pretenseâfor Fanon is a writer he used to read.
Central to Fanonâs view of the colonized mind is the significance of language in the alienation of the black person, an ugly colonial process Fanon aimed at reversing via disalienation. His primary frame of reference was autobiographical; he dwelled especially on the moment when the Martinican, having gone to France and perfected his French, returns to his homeland: âThe black man who has been to the mĂ©tropole is a demigod.â4 With this focus on language at the point where literary and cultural proximity to the white world enables and authorizes the colored person, Fanon anticipates the emergence of the native informer: âAll colonized peopleâin other words, people in whom an inferiority complex has taken root, whose local cultural originality has been committed to the graveâposition themselves in relation to the civilizing language, i.e. the metropolitan culture.â5 This remains true of the native informer whose circumstances have improved, as has her command of the colonizersâ language (though she still speaks it with an accent). She denigrates any notion of what Fanon calls âlocal cultural originalityâ, for true literature is of course Western literature, not what she scornfully dismisses, for example as the âso-called Iranian realismâ. Everything back home lacks originality and is âso-calledââa simulacrum of the truth that can exist only in English (or French, or German and so on). She is very fond of the expression âso-calledâ, for it keeps her afloat where she is most comfortable: on the border of the decidedly undecided, where she can dodge bullets, run for cover, and call the police if someone rudely trespasses onto her property, the English language.
âThe more the colonized has assimilated the cultural values of the metropolis,â Fanon wrote, âthe more he will have escaped the bush. The more he rejects his blackness and the bush, the whiter he will become.â6 By âcultural valuesâ Fanon mostly meant language and literature. But today assimilation into the cultural contours of the metropolis is no longer limited to command of the language (which will always come to a halt at the border of that nasty accent). At this stage of paramount visuality, when peopleâs minds are in their eyes, as it were, the native informer wants âto look likeâ her masters as well, and the cosmetic industry is there to help. She can bleach her skin, dye her hair blonde, have a quick nose job (of which she speaks very approvingly), maybe even invest in a pair of blue contact lenses. For all practical purposes she can become whiteâthe existential destiny Fanon envisioned for her.
Fanon anticipates our native informer when he reports that âin the colonial army, and particularly in the regiments of the Senegalese soldiers, the ânativeâ officers are mainly interpreters. They serve to convey to their fellow soldiers the masterâs orders, and they themselves enjoy a certain status.â7 With the aid of this prototype one can imagine some native compradors still doing their share for the white civilizing mission (mission civilisatrice) facilitating othersâ subjugation to a superior set of symbols. For, again as Fanon further noted, âthe more the black Antillean assimilates the French language, the whiter he getsâi.e. the closer he comes to becoming a true human being.â8
Here, of course, the remnant of an accent becomes seriously problematic, as Fanon notes in regard to the black Antilleans who try in vain to ape the Parisian accent. Whenever Fouad Ajami appears on American television to discuss âthe mindset of these Arabsâ, he never fails to include the phrase âwe Americansâ; but for the life of him he cannot quite get it through his head that the âAâ in âAmericansâ is closer to a hamza than to an âayn. The accent at once alienates, exoticizes, and authorizes him to opine about âthese Arabsâ. Fanon again: âIn France they say âto speak like a bookâ. In Martinique they say âto speak like a white manâ⊠He will lock himself in his room and read for hoursâdesperately working on his diction.â9 But still when the native informer goes for a radio or TV interview the nasty accents accompanies him as an uninvited guest; and for this reason he prefers the silent pages of books and newspapers (The Wall Street Journal is a favorite venue) to public appearancesâalthough they do pay awfully well.
Fanon also perceived the rivalry that persists among the colonized as to who is whiter: âWe have known, and still know, Antilleans who get annoyed at being taken for Senegalese. Itâs because the Antillean is more âĂ©voluĂ©â than the Africanâmeaning he is closer to the white man.â 10 The same holds true for Iranians in their attitude toward Arabsâfor the racialized theories of Orientalists have instructed them that they are âAryanâ and as such of the same superior stock as Europeans; only by some unfortunate accident of geography do they find themselves somewhere between the Arab lands and India. The Orientalistsâ talesâabout Cyrus the Great, Darius the First and Xerxes the Conquerorâcontinue to haunt them, generation after generation. The racism of Iranians runs viciously deep; they have a horror of being taken for Arab (though they would be delighted to be taken for Italian). The native informer speaks for the white-identified, transnational bourgeoisie that calls her âthe voice of the modern Iranian womanâ; here, as elsewhere, modernity is white.
The native informer has internalized his white mastersâ manner of talking to the natives. Fanon pointed out the difference between the ways a white physician talks to white and black patients:
Twenty European patients come and go: âPlease have a seat. Now whatâs the trouble? What can I do for you today?â In comes a black man or an Arab: âSit down, old fellow. Not feeling well? Whereâs it hurting?â When itâs not: âYou not good?11â
Likewise, the native informer considers the niceties of Western literature and culture too refined for the colored populations, though she may even deign to teach them English literature. âWhen a black man speaks of Marx,â Fanon observed, âthe first reaction is the following: âWe educated you and now you are turning against your benefactorsâ.â12 The native informer finds brown peopleâs Marxism crude and outdated and does not consider herself political at all. The black man who dares to speakâas did Fanon, Said, Malcolm X, LĂ©opold SĂ©dar Senghor, and AimĂ© CĂ©saireâis called anything from passionate to angry, but never âreasonableâ. He may have a point, he is repeatedly told, but he is so angry he defeats his own purpose. Reason and composure, of course, are white.
WHITE MEN SAVING COLORED WOMEN
In his psychoanalytic unpacking of the colonized mind, Fanon turns his attention to the relationships between âthe woman of color and the white manâ and âthe man of color and the white womanâ, and in so doing provides an uncannily apt critique of Reading Lolita in Tehran more than half a century in advance. Reading Fanon now makes it clear that colonialism really has only a few devices in its ideological arsenal to keep recycling. His actual target is I Am a Martinican Woman (Je suis Martiniquaise)13, in which Mayotte CapĂ©cia does just what her Iranian counterpart will do decades later: she demonizes colored men and rests the salvation of colored women on the generosity of the white men who will rescue her and her sisters from bondage. And she was almost as celebrated as Nafisi, winning Franceâs Grand Prix LittĂ©raire des Antilles in 1949.
The literary merit of I Am a Martinican Woman was of course determined by the politics of its vindication of the French colonialists; in the voice of CapĂ©cia they had found the perfect ally. âI would have liked to marry, but with a white man,â Fanon quotes CapĂ©ciaâs protagonist, âonly a colored woman is never quite respectable in the eyes of a white manâeven if he loves her, I know wellâ.14 He continues, âMayotte loves a white man unconditionally. He is her lord. She asks for nothing, demands nothing, except for a little whiteness in her life.â15 Paramount in the mind and soul of Mayotte is this truth: âI am white; in other words, I embody beauty and virtue, which have never been black. I am the color of day.â16 A little later he argues, âMayotte is striving for lactification. In a word, the race must be whitened; every woman in Martinique knows this, says this, and reiterates it.â17 CapĂ©cia, he notes, âimagines herself a pink-cheeked angelâ.18
Turning his attention to CapĂ©ciaâs next novella, The White Negress, Fanon notes that every black man she describes âis either a scumbag or a grinning Y a bon Bananiaâ.19 And he adds these premonitory words: âMoreover, and this is already an omen, we can safely say that Mayotte CapĂ©cia has turned her back to her island. In both books only one course is left for her heroine, i.e. leave. This island of blacks is decidedly cursed.â20 Nafisi, too, has moved to the Paris of her time, Washington, and has done much better than her Martinican predecessor in courting the powerfulâeven while talking about âthis strange institution (in Derridaâs phrase) âcalled literatureââ.21
WHITE WOMEN SAVING COLORED MEN
Fanon balances his analysis of the colored woman and the white man with a psychoanalysis of the colored manâs fantasies of the white woman (but not vice versa): âI want to be recognized not as black, but as white. Butâand this is the form of recognition that Hegel never describedâwho better than the white woman to bring this about? By loving me, she proves to me that I am worthy of the white love. I am loved like a white man. I am a white man.â22 This is as true in the erotic zone as in the political, where the native informer enjoys the approving gaze of the white woman cast upon his services in the imperial capitalâI speak with your president, advise your vice-president and the Congress, and appear regularly on national TV. For the native informer the famous salvo with which Nietzsche opens Beyond Good and EvilââSuppose truth is a woman, what then?ââtakes on a racial tinge: truth becomes a white woman who will mother his children and breed the black out of his posterity. She will make their future brightâand white.
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